Emancipation through Education 

A Foreign Student in Ghent 

Although Ayşe initially did not want to leave her career and studies in Turkey behind, she eventually decided to move to Ghent as a student.

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"My husband had me enrolled at Ghent University in October 1978. The administrative formalities for a visa application took one week. When submitting the documents for the application at the Belgian consulate in Istanbul, I was told by the staff member that we would have to wait another week for approval. My father was with me and wanted to speak with the consul. We had a long conversation with the consul. I signed a student contract. The contract stated that I had to return to Turkey after my studies, but the consul said that as a graduate I could stay and work in Belgium without any problems if I wanted to. He also said that he could issue the visa immediately in exchange for fivehundred Belgian francs. I was a little surprised, but I gave him the money and immediately received the visa. At that moment, I realized that bribery was universal and that staying in Belgium was not really a problem for highly educated Turks. At the end of January 1979, I flew from Istanbul to Brussels. It was my first flight, and it was a difficult farewell to my father."

A Foreign Student in Ghent  (original language)

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Mijn echtgenoot liet me in oktober 1978 inschrijven aan de Universiteit Gent. De formaliteiten voor een visumaanvraag duurden een week. Bij het indienen van de documenten voor de aanvraag bij het Belgische consulaat in Istanbul hoorde ik van de medewerker dat we nog een week moesten wachten op de goedkeuring. Mijn vader was bij me en wilde met de consul spreken. We hebben een lang gesprek gehad met de consul. Ik tekende een contract als student. In het contract stond dat ik na mijn studie moest terugkeren naar Turkije, maar de consul zei dat ik als afgestudeerde zonder problemen in België kon verblijven en werken als ik dat wilde. Hij zei ook dat hij het visum meteen kon ondertekenen in ruil voor vijfhonderd Belgische frank. Ik was een beetje verbaasd, maar ik gaf hem het geld en kreeg meteen het visum. Ik besefte op dat moment dat omkoping universeel was en dat verblijf in België voor hoogopgeleide Turken niet zozeer een probleem was. Eind januari 1979 vloog ik van Istanbul naar Brussel. Ik vloog voor het eerst en het was een moeilijk afscheid van mijn vader.

A Challenging Start 

After migrating to Belgium, Ayşe faced various challenges in her new environment.

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"The house where the six of us lived, on Halvemaanstraat, was very small. On the ground floor, at the front, there was a small, damp room. At the back, there was a living room with a three-seater sofa and a separate armchair, a small cabinet, a coal stove, and a table for four people. The kitchen was no more than one and a half square meters, with only a sink and a stove. Through the kitchen, you could reach a small courtyard with a single toilet. Upstairs, there were only two bedrooms. The father and his brothers slept in one room, and the other room became ours. In our room, there was a sponge mattress and a blanket on the floor, without sheets. There was a wardrobe that was used by everyone in the house. Getting used to the environment and the domestic situation was not easy. The small space, and being the only woman among five men, was something I had to adapt to."

"I wanted to learn the language as quickly as possible and stand on my own two feet. I no longer wanted to be dependent on others, and (I wanted) to follow my classes effortlessly. In Turkey, I lived independently and was respected by those around me. Here, I was dependent on others and had to beg for respect. A teacher at school had told me that during the summer months I could take a free Dutch course organized by Ghent University for international students. I enrolled. In early July I started the Dutch course. There were students from different backgrounds, even an ophthalmologist from Turkey who had come here for specialist training at the University Hospital Ghent. He was married to a Belgian woman, named Vera. A few years later, she took part in the Turkish language courses that I gave to Belgian teachers. The Dutch course was taught by Professor De Keukelaere. He was very kind and understanding. He gave explanations in English and French, but I did not know any English and my French was not sufficient to understand everything. When he noticed that I did not understand something, he tried to explain it to me with gestures and body language. When I came home, I looked up the meaning of all the words from the course in the dictionary and made word lists that I could practice at every free moment, such as while cooking or on the bus t​​​​o and from class. I found it difficult to take proper notes in class. One day, the physics teacher asked: ‘Who is willing to lend Ayşe their notes?’ I hadn’t expected it at all, but several hands went up. I was so happy."

Ayseimage005
Ayşe’s student ID card from the University of Ghent, 1979 © privat photo, Ayşe Işçi

A Challenging Start

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"Het huis waarin wij met zes personen verbleven in de Halvemaanstraat was heel erg klein. Beneden was aan de voorkant een klein vochtig kamertje. Aan de achterkant was een woonkamer met een driezitsbank en een losse fauteuil, een klein kastje, een kolenkachel en een tafel voor vier personen. Verder was er een keuken van hooguit anderhalve vierkante meter met alleen een spoelbak en een fornuis. Via de keuken kon je naar het kleine koertje met één toilet. Boven waren er slechts twee slaapkamers. De vader en zijn broers sliepen in de ene kamer, en de andere kamer was van ons. In onze kamer lag een sponsmatras en een deken op de grond, zonder lakens. Er stond een kledingkast die door iedereen in het huis werd gebruikt. Wennen aan de omgeving en de huiselijke situatie was niet gemakkelijk. De kleine ruimte en het feit dat ik de enige vrouw tussen vijf mannen was, maakte dat ik moest wennen."

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Ayşe’s student ID card from the University of Ghent, 1979 © privat photo, Ayşe Işçi

An Interesting Opportunity 

One day, Ayşe’s husband came to her and told her that she had received a job offer to work as a teacher. This made her think…

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"Starting in January 1981, I began teaching Turkish language and culture classes in two schools in Ghent where most of the pupils spoke Turkish. My first schools were the Municipal Primary School Sint Macharius and the Municipal Primary School in Patrijsstraat in the Muide district. Our team consisted of four Turkish teachers. We mainly taught in schools with high concentrations of migrant pupils. Each class (kindergarten and primary) received two hours of Turkish lessons per week. In the kindergarten classes, we supported Turkish-speaking children in Turkish, especially during circle time, where children shared their experiences with the group and made plans for the entire week. Sometimes we would take these children aside to practise school-related concepts in their own language. In the first and second years of primary education, we mainly taught environmental studies. We worked together with Flemish teachers in each school. The content of the Turkish lessons was aligned with the themes of the Flemish teachers. Turkish children first received the content in Turkish. In this way, the children were prepared for the lessons in Dutch."

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Primary school class photo Sint-Macharius, Ghent (year is unknown) © privat photo, Ayşe Işçi

"Regular consultation with the Flemish teacher was crucial, but it was not always easy to obtain the themes of the Flemish teacher in advance."

An Interesting Opportunity  (original language)

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Vanaf januari 1981 begon ik de Turkse taal- en cultuurlessen te geven in twee Gentse scholen waar de meeste leerlingen Turks spraken. Mijn eerste scholen waren de Stedelijke Basisschool Sint Macharius en de Stedelijke Basisschool in de Patrijsstraat in de wijk Muide. Ons team ​​Bi-cultureel Onderwijs binnen Pedagogisch Centrum bestond uit vier Turkse leerkrachten. We gaven vooral les in concentratiescholen. Elke klas (kleuter en lager) kreeg twee uur per week Turkse lessen. In de kleuterklassen ondersteunden we de Turkssprekende kinderen in het Turks, vooral tijdens het kringmoment, waar kinderen hun ervaringen met de groep deelden en een planning voor de hele week maakten. Soms namen we die kinderen even apart om de schoolse begrippen in hun eigen taal te oefenen. In het eerste en tweede leerjaar van het lager onderwijs gaven we vooral milieulessen. We werkten samen met de Vlaamse leerkrachten in elke school. De inhoud van de Turkse lessen werd afgestemd op de thema’s van de Vlaamse leerkrachten. Turkse kinderen kregen de inhoud eerst in het Turks. Op die manier werden de kinderen voorbereid op de lessen in het Nederlands.

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Primary school class photo Sint-Macharius, Ghent (year is unknown) © privat photo, Ayşe Işçi

Regelmatig overleg met de Vlaamse leerkracht was cruciaal, maar het was niet altijd gemakkelijk om de thema’s van de Vlaamse leerkracht vooraf te krijgen.

Building Bridges for Turkish Women

Ayşe became actively involved in various social organizations, focusing in particular on supporting Turkish women in the community. 

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"With GTKB, we aimed on the one hand to promote the emancipation of migrant women and girls, and on the other hand to stimulate their participation in society. In addition to the language classes, we organized folk dance courses, driving lessons, sewing courses, aerobics and fitness classes, computer courses, and more. One important activity for the women was the weekly Kadınlar Kahvesi (Women’s Café), which was much more than just a café. It created a space where women from all backgrounds could freely discuss topics that interested them and that they wanted to learn more about. Speakers were invited to talk about topics they chose, such as health, nutrition, education, parenting, migration, elections, and leisure activities. Sometimes they went on outings together: cultural city visits, musical performances, to the cinema, or to a theatre show. We also organized large-scale cultural activities for the wider public, such as exhibitions with workshops, festivals, and performances by well-known artists. One of the most important projects realized by GTKB was the MOCEF (Mother–Child Education Foundation) project. Through this project, we supported Turkish mothers in raising their children in a multicultural context."

Building Bridges for Turkish ​​Women  (original language)

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"Met GTKB wilden we enerzijds de emancipatie van migrantenvrouwen en meisjes bevorderen en anderzijds hun participatie in de samenleving stimuleren. Naast de taallessen organiseerden we volksdanscursussen, rijbewijslessen, naaicursussen, aerobiccen, fitnescursussen en computercursussen. Een belangrijke activiteit voor de vrouwen was het wekelijkse kadınlar kahvesi (vrouwencafé), dat meer dan een café was. Het creëerde een omgeving waarin vrouwen van alle hoeken vrijuit konden discussiëren over onderwerpen die hen interesseerden en waarover ze meer wilden leren. Er werden sprekers uitgenodigd rond thema’s die ze kozen; zoals gezondheid, voeding, onderwijs, opvoeding, migratie, verkiezingen en vrijetijdsbesteding. Ze gingen soms samen op uitstap; een cultureel stadbezoek, muzikale optredens, naar de film of een theatervoorstelling. We organiseerden ook grootschalige culturele activiteiten voor het brede publiek, zoals tentoonstellingen, workshops, feesten en optredens van bekende artiesten. Een van de belangrijkste projecten die GTKB realiseerde was het MOCEF-project (Mother Child Education Foundation). Met dat project ondersteunden we Turkse moeders in het opvoeden van hun kinderen in een multiculturele context."

Historical-Political Background

Turkish Migration to Belgium 

Ayşe Işçi was born in the picturesque village of Bağkonak. Situated in the Turkish province of Isparta, the village was known for its many vineyards and grape farmers. 1 During the 1960s, extensive government reforms in agriculture caused many Turkish farmers, in Bağkonak and elsewhere in the country, to lose their jobs. 2Emigration from the Turkish countryside increased, as people moved to Turkey’s larger cities and to European destinations in search of better job prospects. 

With its rapidly growing economy, Belgium proved to be a desirable destination for Turkish emigrants. The domestic workforce could no longer meet the rising labour demand in the mining, metal, construction, and textile industries. To fill this shortage on the labour market, Belgium signed bilateral recruitment agreements with several countries, including Turkey in 1964.

The Turkish Belgian recruitment agreement aimed to organize the migration of temporary ​​unskilled labourers, so-called ‘guest workers’,between the two countries. While recruitment officially took place through the government agency Office du Travail et du Recrutement des Travailleurs (OTRT), Belgian companies also recruited workers through informal channels.  

Arrangements between the Belgian and Turkish government did not limit themselves to questions of labour. The Turkish Ministry of Labour also sought to guarantee proper living conditions for Turkish migrants by facilitating the development of a social and cultural infrastructure in Belgium. In 1965, the Belgian and Turkish governments agreed on additional provisions, including the hiring of imams and Turkish teachers, the importation of Turkish newspapers and food products, and the introduction of cultural initiatives such as folk groups and theatre companies.3

Building a social infrastructure was important, as the agreement also allowed workers to bring their families with them, making family reunification a central element of migration from the very beginning. This family reunification policy was partly intended to counter the effects of declining birth rates in Belgium, but it also aimed to encourage guest workers to choose Belgium over alternative destinations which offered higher wages.4 Moreover, the presence of Turkish families ensured that the money earned by guest workers remained in the Belgian economy rather than being transferred to Turkey. 

The oil crisis of 1973 dealt a severe blow to the Belgian economy. Many workers lost their jobs, which led to a halt in labour recruitment in 1974. Nevertheless, Turkish migration continued, particularly through family reunification. Undocumented workers could regularize their status until 31 December 1975 if they could demonstrate that they had been residing in the country continuously since 1974.5 As a result, the number of immigrants to Belgium rose sharply within a year, reaching a record level of new arrivals in 1974. By 1981, the Turkish population in Belgium had increased to approximately 63.60​​0 individuals.6 

Meanwhile, in Turkey, the 1970s were marked by political and economic instability. The oil crisis hit the country hard, and left-wing communist movements clashed violently with right-wing nationalist groups.7 In many cities, the turmoil escalated, and  the Turkish army frequently intervened when the political balance seemed threatened.8 The  coup in 1980, led to a state of emergency: the constitution was suspended, political parties and trade unions were banned, and tens of thousands of people were imprisoned.9 As a result, the first Turkish asylum seekers arrived in Belgium, most of them belonging to ethnic and religious minorities. The nature of Turkish migration movements to Belgium thus shifted from labour migration to predominantly refugee migration.  

The 1970s in Ghent 

In 1979, Ayşe made her way to the city of Ghent.10 During this period, increased institutional involvement and social initiatives for migrants changed the living conditions of the Turkish community in Ghent. Having understood that guest workers would stay in Belgium more permanently, the government sought to tackle some of the main challenges faced by the Turkish community, including inadequate housing, language barriers, and education for children.11  

Migrant associations also turned to the government to demand action to fight discrimination and improve their living conditions. Many Turks experienced discrimination in the housing market, forcing them to live in slums.12 This problem led several social workers, Turkish teachers, and progressive activists, to establish the non-profit organization Woonfonds (housing fund) in 1978.13  In 1979, the Demokratik Halk Kültür Derneği (Democratic People’s Culture Association, better known as DHKD) was established by members of the Woonfonds. Among the founders was Ayşe’s husband, İbrahim. The DHKD focused on the welfare of migrants and organized activities such as folk dancing and language courses, sports activities, and concerts. From the DHKD, numerous new associations also emerged, including the Gent Türk Kadınlar Birliği (GTKB), the first Turkish women’s association in Ghent, co-founded by Ayşe. 

The late 1970s also saw improvements in the education of Turkish children in Ghent. Turkish children were mainly concentrated in three schools.14 More than half of the children had fallen behind in their education as a result of insufficient language proficiency. Through the efforts of social workers, a working group was established within the Pedagogisch Centrum (pedagogical centre) to focus on the challenges faced by children of migrant workers. In 1978, the Pedagogisch Centrum launched the ‘Bi-cultural Education’ project to offer Turkish language and cultural classes in primary schools. Within this framework, Fatma Pehlivan was appointed as the first bicultural teacher.15 She was soon supported by other Turkish teachers, including her later friend Ayşe Işçi in 1980. 

Making of

How and why did you decide to deal with and present this specific story? 

We first met Ayse through her involvement in a heritage project celebrating the 60th anniversary of the migrant organisation DHKD in Ghent. Having previously shared her story in heritage initiatives such as Tina De Gendt’s ‘Vierkante Kilometer’, Ayse was an experienced narrator. We were inspired by her impressive commitment to helping migrants in her career and her many volunteering activities. As such, Ayse was the first person we approached to contribute a testimony representing Belgian women labour migrants to the FeMig.Lab project, and we were thrilled when she accepted.   

Ayse wanted to share her testimony because she found it important to commemorate the commitment of migrant women to building a more equal, just society. Therefore, we decided to focus on her many initiatives to support migrant women in navigating Belgian society.  

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How did you negotiate and decide about the methodologies and processes in acquiring/giving the testimony? 

In February 2025, Ayse shared her life story with the FeMig.Lab network during a workshop held in Leuven. Following this presentation, we held multiple conversations to discuss her contribution to the FeMig.Lab platform. We tried to be available for all her questions and inquiries. We emphasised repeatedly that Ayse would remain in control of her narrative and could back out at any point if she did not want to contribute anymore.  

After many conversations, we decided to record Ayse’s testimony at her house as she felt most comfortable there and could show additional materials such as photographs and documents. We agreed that after the recording, we would share the entire video tape and the selected clips with Ayse and would not publish anything without her explicit approval.  

How and why did you decide to publicly present the story this way? 

Respecting Ayse’s wish to record her story on video, we decided on a combined approach with video clips and written text. We felt that a video format would be most appealing to viewers, while also giving Ayse the opportunity to show additional materials that complemented her story. We recorded a video interview with Ayse which lasted a bit over one hour. From that footage, we selected four video clips for the website which we felt best represented Ayse’s relationship to her migration experience and her career. The questions we posed in the video are audible because we found it important to reveal how Ayse’s narrative was curated.  

In addition to the video recording, Ayse wrote down her life story in Dutch, after which we collaborated to edit the text and translate it into English. A preliminary summary of Ayse’s written life story is available in the credits. The final version of both the video clips and the texts on this webpage were reviewed and approved by Ayse before being published.   

What is the motivation and benefit for the person/community sharing the story? How did you negotiate this and take it into consideration?

Ayse emphasised she wanted to make visible migrants’ commitment to society through civil society associations and activism. As such, she considered the FeMig.Lab-website to be a platform on which she could highlight these important contributions. Beyond the FeMig.Lab-project, we agreed with Ayse to store her testimony at the Amsab-Institute for Social History (Amsab-ISG). We also put Ayse in contact with the Amsab-ISG to discuss potential collaboration on a heritage project she wished to initiate. Additionally, we offered Ayse a volunteering compensation to thank her for her time and effort.  

What questions and challenges arose during the processes?

One obstacle was the language barrier with the wider FeMig.Lab team, as Ayse did not feel comfortable conversing in English. We accommodated this issue by translating all e-mails into Dutch and having a live translator during meetings.  

Additionally, it was sometimes challenging to provide sufficient guidelines to support Ayse without imposing our vision of what the testimony should look like. Some initial confusion gradually disappeared as we built trust throughout the multiple meetings we had.  

Credits

This testimony was created and curated by: 

  • Ayse Isçi, who generously shared her life story and provided input and feedback throughout the entire process;  
  • Thomas de Boever, who recorded the video interview with Ayse; 
  • Suzanne Elbers, who edited the video clips and the written testimony and provided the historical background; 
  • Sofie De Baere, who prepared and conducted the video interview and edited the written testimony; 

We are grateful for the support of:  

  • the members of the Centrum voor de Geschiedenis van Migranten (CGM), who provided logistical and financial support; 
  • the FeMig.Lab working group, who provided generous feedback during each stage of the creation of the testimony; 
  • Anna-Elisabeth Hampel, who coordinated the FeMig.Lab-project, provided ample feedback and generous logistical support; 
  • Tina De Gendt, who put us into contact with Ayse and who brainstormed with us during the first phase of the project.  

Read Ayse’s work 

A preliminary summary of Ayse’s life story is available in Dutch via this link.  

Ayse has also co-edited multiple books about her educational methods and her community work:  

  • Neirynck, Freek, Ayse Isçi, and Sylvain Van Labeke (eds.). Herinneringen. (Ghent: Federatie van Vooruitstrevende Turkse Verenigingen, 2002). 
  • Gielen, Sara, Ayse  Isçi. Meertaligheid: een troef! Inspirerend werken met meertalige kinderen op school en in de buitenlandse opvang. (Sint-Niklaas: Abimo, 2015).  

Transcript PDF here

Footnotes

  1. Ayşe Işçi, “Mijn Verhaal”.  ↩︎
  2. T. De Gendt, Turkije aan de Leie: 50 jaar migratie in Gent, (Tielt 2014) 39. ↩︎
  3. M. Khoojinian, “L’Accueil et la Stabilisation des Travailleurs Immigrés Turcs en Belgique, 1963-1980,” Revue belge de philologie et d’histoire, Vol. 97:4 (2019), 1361–1387, 79-82, 95, 105-106.  ↩︎
  4. De Gendt, Turkije aan de Leie, 29 ↩︎
  5. De Gendt, Turkije aan de Leie, 167-172.  ↩︎
  6. Khoojinian, “L’Accueil et la Stabilisation des Travailleurs Immigrés Turcs en Belgique” 111.   ↩︎
  7. Ibidem, 112.  ↩︎
  8. A.K. Yesilkagit, “Militairen, islam en secularisme; identiteitspolitiek in Turkije,” Justitionele verkenningen: Turkije, Vol 26:8 (2000), 22-32, 26-28. ↩︎
  9. De Gendt, Turkije aan de Leie, 275 ↩︎
  10. Ayşe Işçi, “Mijn Verhaal”. ↩︎
  11. P. Verhaeghe, K. Van Der Bracht and B. Van de Putte, Migrant zkt toekomst: Gent op een keerpunt tussen oude en nieuwe migratie, (Antwerpen 2012) 34-35. ↩︎
  12. De Gendt, Turkije aan de Leie, 242-246. ↩︎
  13. Ibidem, 264-266. ↩︎
  14. Ibidem, 233-237.  ↩︎
  15. Ibidem, 238-241.  ↩︎

“Thank goodness it turned out very well.”

Leaving South Korea

Despite her good education – which is roughly comparable to a bachelor’s degree today – there were very few job opportunities for Haeng-Ja Fischer in South Korea in the late 1960s. She was also suffering in her marriage. She wanted to divorce her abusive husband. However, this was very difficult for women in South Korea at that time. In order to change her situation and get the chance to build a better life for her and her two children, applying for a nursing job abroad seemed like a great opportunity. 

At first, she considered going to the USA. But, as Haeng-Ja Fischer reports, the USA at that time “only accepted single people but not those married with kids”. As she heard about free nurse positions in West Germany she applied and was accepted. Sometime later, in 1969, she arrived at Cologne-Bonn Airport (North Rhine-Westphalia). To her surprise – but above all to her delight – the head nurse drove her and other women by car from the airport to her new work place at St. Josef-Hospital in Bochum. Seeing a woman driving a car on the German “Autobahn” in some ways meant “everything is possible”. 

Aufbruch aus Südkorea 

Trotz guter Ausbildung – die heute etwa mit einem Bachelor-Abschluss vergleichbar ist –, gibt es für Haeng-Ja Fischer Ende der 1960er-Jahre in Südkorea nur wenig Arbeitsmöglichkeiten. Auch leidet Haeng-Ja Fischer damals in ihrer Ehe. Sie will sich scheiden lassen. Dies ist damals in Südkorea für Frauen jedoch sehr schwierig. Die Arbeitsaufnahme im Ausland erscheint daher als Möglichkeit, Geld zu verdienen, um die Familie zu unterstützen und ihr Unabhängigkeit zu bringen. 

Zunächst erwog sie, in die USA zu gehen. Doch wie Haneg-Ja Fischer berichtet, nahmen die USA zu jener Zeit „nur Alleinstehende auf, nicht aber Verheiratete mit Kindern“. Als sie von freien Stellen für Krankenschwestern in Westdeutschland hörte, bewarb sie sich und wurde angenommen. Einige Zeit später, im Jahr 1969, kam sie am Flughafen Köln-Bonn (Nordrhein-Westfalen) an. Zu ihrer Überraschung – aber vor allem zu ihrer großen Freude – fuhr die Oberschwester sie und andere Frauen mit dem Auto vom Flughafen zu ihrem neuen Arbeitsplatz im St.-Josef-Krankenhaus in Bochum. Eine Frau auf der deutschen Autobahn am Steuer eines Autos zu sehen, bedeutete in gewisser Weise: „Alles ist möglich“.  

“My name is Nurse Haeng-Ja. Hello, what’s your name?”

Language skills had always played a crucial role for her, because language meant not only opportunities for career advancement but also the chance to participate in social life. So, with her first pay cheque, she bought a small, portable tape recorder so she could learn German whenever the opportunity arose.

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Most of the Korean nurses were highly trained and even better educated than their German colleagues. A nurse’s cap like this symbolized that high education and was therefore worn with pride by the Korean nurses.  With their knowledge and skills, they were highly appreciated and valued by patients and doctors alike. "The higher qualification of Korean nurses also sparked jealousy and competitiveness among their German colleagues – which often led to the exclusion of the Korean nurses on the job”

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© DOMiD-Archiv/Köln

„Ich heiße Schwester Haeng-Ja Fischer. Guten Tag, wie heißen Sie?“ 

Sprachkenntnisse spielen für Haeng-Ja Fischer eine Schlüsselrolle. Denn Sprache bedeutet für sie berufliches Fortkommen, aber auch die Möglichkeit zur gesellschaftspolitischen Teilhabe. Mit ihrem ersten Lohn kauft sie daher ein kleines und damit mitnehmbares Tonbandgerät, um mit diesem überall Deutsch lernen zu können.

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Die meisten koreanischen Krankenschwestern waren hervorragend ausgebildet und verfügten sogar über eine bessere Ausbildung als ihre deutschen Kolleginnen. Eine solche Krankenschwesterhaube symbolisierte diese hohe Ausbildung und wurde daher von den koreanischen Krankenschwestern mit Stolz getragen. Mit ihrem Wissen und ihren Fähigkeiten wurden sie von Patienten und Ärzten gleichermaßen hochgeschätzt und gewürdigt. „Der koreanische Qualifikationsvorsprung führte zudem oft zu Neid und Konkurrenzdenken bei den deutschen Krankenschwestern – und damit für die Koreanerinnen zu sozialer Ausgrenzung am Arbeitsplatz.“

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© DOMiD-Archiv/Köln

Footnotes

Family Reunification: Three Years of Separation

When Haeng-Ja Fischer left South Korea in 1969, she left her two children with her mother. Her aim was to return to South Korea once her three-year employment contract with the St- Josef-Hospital in Bochum had expired, so that she could bring her children to Germany as well. However, there was no official family reunification scheme at that time. 

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Familienzusammenführung: drei Jahre Trennung  

Als Haeng-Ja Fischer Korea 1969 verlässt, gibt sie ihre beiden Kinder in die Obhut ihrer Mutter und der zurückbleibenden Familie. Ihr Ziel ist es, nach Ablauf des auf drei Jahre festgelegten Arbeitsvertrags mit dem St. Josef-Hospital (Bochum) nach Südkorea zurückzukehren, um auch ihre Kinder nach Deutschland zu holen. Eine offizielle Familienzusammenführung gibt es damals allerdings nicht. 

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An invitation to dinner – tackling challenges head-on

Haeng-Ja Fischer solved problems in her own way.  Above all, she was direct and clear, and when faced with a difficult situation, she often tried to change the other person’s perspective by putting them in her position. One time, that meant inviting the hospital personel to “Korean dinner with asparagus and ham rolls”. 

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Spargel-Schinken-Röllchen oder Herausforderungen offen angehen   

Haneg-Ja Fischer löste Probleme auf ihre ganz eigene Art und Weise. Vor allem war sie direkt und klar. Wenn sie mit einer schwierigen Situation konfrontiert war, versuchte sie oft, die Sichtweise ihres Gegenübers zu ändern, indem sie ihn in ihre Lage versetzte. Einmal bedeutete dies, das Krankenhauspersonal zu einem „koreanischen Abendessen mit Spargel und Schinkenröllchen“ einzuladen. 

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Unacceptable – standing up to others

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Inakzeptabel– sich gegen andere behaupten    

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Giving something back: share what you have

After the bad experiences in her first marriage, Haeng-Ja Fischer didn’t even want to think about getting married again. But an encounter with Eikelbeck, who was then mayor of Bochum and a patient in St. Josef-Hospital, and his wife Gerda changed that. They introduced Haeng-Ja Fischer to her second husband, Peter. She was happily married to him until his death in 2019.  

Together, they dedicated themselves to helping others. They supported children in Gambia, Africa, and in the mid-2010s took in a young refugee from Eritrea. As they both knew how it felt to be a stranger in a foreign country, they felt it was the right thing to do. They helped him study German and supported him as he trained to become a nurse. For her and her husband, one thing was clear: if you have something, you have to share it.  

Today, Haeng-Ja Fischer is over 80 years old and content with her life.  

HJF 004 LVR Industriemuseum
Foto von Haeng-Ja Fischer vor ihrem Zeichen Haus im Jahr 2025| © Sara Demiriz | LVR-Industriemuseum

Etwas zurückgben: teile, was du hast   

Nach den schlechten Erfahrungen mit ihrer ersten Ehe kommt für Haeng-Ja Fischer eine Weitere nicht in Frage. Die Begegnung mit dem damaligen Bochumer Oberbürgermeister Eikelbeck und dessen Frau Gerda, änderten dies jedoch. Sie stellten Haeng-Ja Fischer ihren zweiten Mann Peter Fischer vor. Mit ihm blieb sie bis zu seinem Tod im Jahr 2019 glücklich verheiratet. 

Gemeinsam setzten sie sich für andere ein. Sie unterstützten Kinder in Gambia, Afrika, und nahmen Mitte der 2010er-Jahre einen jungen Mann aus Eritrea bei sich auf. Sie halfen ihm beim Deutsch lernen und unterstützten seine Ausbildung zum Krankenpfleger. Haeng-Ja Fischer wollte etwas von ihren Chancen weitergeben und auch anderen die Möglichkeit auf eine bessere Zukunft ermöglichen. Für sie und ihren Mann war eine Sache selbstverständlich: wenn du etwas hast, musst du es teilen. 

Heute ist Haeng-Ja Fischer über 80 Jahre alt. Sie ist mit ihrem Leben zufrieden. 

HJF 004 LVR Industriemuseum
Foto von Haeng-Ja Fischer vor ihrem Zeichen Haus im Jahr 2025| © Sara Demiriz | LVR-Industriemuseum

Historical-Political Background

Migration of guest workers: Countering the labour shortage 

Haeng-Ja Fischer arrived in Germany during the period of the so-called ‘guest worker’1 recruitment drive. From the mid-1950s onwards, the Federal Republic of Germany began to specifically recruit workers from abroad by means of so-called recruitment contracts. These agreements were intended to counteract the persistent labour shortage in the Federal Republic and to satisfy the ‘Economic Miracle’s’ constant hunger for further growth.2 The first of many subsequent so-called recruitment agreements3, which brought millions of people to West Germany, was concluded by the Federal Republic of Germany with Italy in 1955. This was followed by further agreements with Mediterranean countries.4

In 1963, the Federal Republic of Germany concluded another agreement – one that remains relatively unknown to the public to this day – with South Korea on the ‘employment of Korean miners’. Building on this, an official agreement came into force in 1971 to bring Korean nurses to the Federal Republic of Germany. The aim was to alleviate the nursing shortage. Before this state-led recruitment programme, it was primarily the Christian churches that brought nurses from South Korea to West Germany between 1955 and 1966. Between 1966 and 1971, further nursing staff arrived from the country as a result of a private initiative by Dr. Yi Su Gil, a paediatrician employed at the University Hospital in Mainz. Soon after the recruiting of nurses from South Korea began, both countries – South Korea as well as the FRG – criticized the recruitment policy as being a “reserve development aid”.5 While West Germany was able to secure health care, Korea lost parts of its young well-trained generation by sending not only nurses but men, who were working as miners for the West-German coal mining industry. By 1977, around 8,000 miners and over 10,000 nurses and nursing assistants had come to Germany from South Korea. “Contemporary media reported very favourably about the Korean health workers, but their portrayal was also characterized by racist stereotypes and exoticism. In their daily work life, Korean women also had to face prejudices and discrimination.”67

Germany and Korea – two divided countries 

Whilst the Federal Republic of Germany used the recruitment agreements to secure economic growth, the economic situation in South Korea was strained. Sending workers abroad was intended to ease pressure on the domestic labour market and bring valuable foreign currency into the country. Korea was still marked by the Korean War of 1950–1953 and divided into North and South along the 38th parallel. Whilst the South moved closer to the “West” under US leadership, North Korea fell under the sphere of influence of the Soviet Union and China. Despite support from “the West”, South Korea remained poor. The two parts of the country were separated from one another in – much the same way as the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic – and developed in very different ways over the following decades of the Cold War. This applied to political, economic and social developments.8

Not just men 

Although most of the recruited work force were men, various companies and sectors – such as hospitals in the healthcare sector – specifically recruited (young) women.9 The proportion of female foreign workers amongst the total foreign workforce in the Federal Republic rose almost continuously between 1962 and 1972/73, from 18.5% to just over 30%. In North Rhine-Westphalia (NRW), their proportion increased from 16% to over 27% during the same period. In the Ruhr region, characterised by heavy industry, where Haeng-Ja Fischer also lived and worked in a hospital, the proportion was slightly lower at 21%.10 Furthermore, in 1968 around 42% of female migrants in West Germany were unmarried or lived without their husbands in the Federal Republic. This included Haeng-Ja Fischer, who was the first member of her family to come to the Federal Republic of Germany, without her husband or children.11

“Almost 30% of all Korean women who came to Germany as nurses stayed here. Of the remaining 70 %, 30% went to North America to seek better job opportunities. The rest went back to South Korea. Some of the returnees co-founded and subsequently settled in a so-called ‘German Village’ on the island of Namhaedo.”12

For Haeng-Ja Fischer and many other women, migration to the Federal Republic of Germany was a step towards independence, freedom and a chance to leave patriarchal structures behind. The women acted of their own volition and were not ‘passive appendages of their husbands’.13 This applied both to women who came without husbands and to women who were not in paid employment and followed their husbands. They often worked hard to keep their families together, to build their own prosperity and, above all, to enable the next generation to have new and improved prospects for the future. They took care of the household and undertook the unpaid and largely undocumented ‘care work’.

Making of

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Credits

The interview was conducted in August 2025 by Dr. Sara-Marie Demiriz, Outreach Research Associate at the LVR Industrial Museum.

Special and deepest thanks go to Haeng-Ja Fischer, who not only shared her story openly and courageously, but above all with the aim of inspiring other women and supporting them on their journey—not only in Germany, but throughout Europe.

Further gratitude goes to the extended family of Mrs. Fischer and her daughter, who assisted us with the administrative and legal procedures.

Finally, credits go to Martin Kauder, student research assistant at the LVR Industrial Museum (2024–2026) for his assistance in text transcription as well as to Lea Althoff, Head of the Digital Services Department, for being a patient and spontaneous sparring partner.

For access to archive material, literature on migration from South Korea, the picture of the nurse’s cap and collegiate exchange, great thanks goes to DOMiD e.V. – Dokumentationszentrum über die Migration in Deutschland, Köln.

Transcript PDF here

Footnotes

  1. The people coming to Germany from the countries of Southern and South-Eastern Europe and the Mediterranean region were initially referred to as “guest workers”. This term suggested, firstly, that those brought over would not stay permanently; secondly, that the legitimacy of their stay was based solely on the labour they provided; and thirdly, that it was male workers who were being recruited. (See: Sara-Marie Demiriz: (K)eine schlichte Verbalnote – das deutsch-türkische Anwerbeabkommen vom 30. Oktober 1961 und seine Folgen, in: Forum Geschichtskultur Ruhr (2021), H. 2, p. 16–20.) ↩︎
  2. The men – and women – who were recruited served as a cyclical buffer for the economy. Their primary role was to fill positions that could no longer be filled by workers from the Federal Republic of Germany or could only be filled at higher wages. Thus, in the 1960s, the recruited workers were employed specifically “in sectors where heavy and dirty work, piecework pay, shift work and forms of mass production with low skill requirements (assembly lines) were particularly common” (Herbert, Ulrich: Geschichte der Ausländerpolitik in Deutschland, Bonn 2003, p. 213). ↩︎
  3. The recruitment agreements were bilateral treaties that took into account the interests of both the host country and the sending country. The recruiting countries hoped to secure workers who could be deployed, in line with economic needs, primarily on a short-term basis. The sending countries often aimed to ease pressure on their own labour markets, hoped to receive foreign exchange – that is, remittances of part of the wages earned in Germany sent to relatives back home – and anticipated that, upon their return, returnees’ experiences and knowledge would benefit the economic performance of the sending countries. Finally, during the Cold War, there was also a foreign policy dimension – Turkey, for example, was the easternmost NATO member state. The conclusion of such recruitment agreements was not a German phenomenon, but a European one. Alongside Germany, other industrialised nations such as France, the Netherlands, Belgium, Austria and Switzerland also recruited workers from abroad through bilateral agreements. In 1961, there were approximately 500,000 people of working age without German citizenship living in the Federal Republic of Germany; by the time recruitment was halted in 1973, this figure had risen to around 2.6 million. (See: Jochen Oltmer: Migration. Geschichte und Zukunft der Gegenwart, Darmstadt 2017, p. 180–198; https://www.bpb.de/politik/hintergrund-aktuell/324552/anwerbeabkommen-mit-italien [13 th July 2021].) ↩︎
  4. Spain (1960), Greece (1960), Turkey (1961), Morocco (1963), Portugal (1964), Tunisia (1965) and Yugoslavia (1968). ↩︎
  5. Detlef Garz: „Wir waren trotz der Schwierigkeiten fröhlich und mutig, weil wir von einem besseren Leben träumten“ Die historische Entwicklung der südkoreanischen Migration in die Bundesrepublik Deutschland: eine Skizze, in: Yong-Seun Chan-Gusko, Nataly Jung-Hwa Han and Arnd Kolb (eds.): Unbekannte Vielfalt. Einblicke in die koreanische Migrationsgeschichte in Deutschland, 2nd Edition 2022, p. 18–37, here: 24. ↩︎
  6. Invisible Caretakers – labor migration of women in Germany: Invisible Caretakers – labor migration of women in Germany | DOMiD | Documentation Center and Museum of Migration in Germany [29th July 2026]. ↩︎
  7. Cf. for the history of Korean labour migration to the FRG: Detlef Garz: „Wir waren trotz der Schwierigkeiten fröhlich und mutig, weil wir von einem besseren Leben träumten“ Die historische Entwicklung der südkoreanischen Migration in die Bundesrepublik Deutschland: eine Skizze, in: Yong-Seun Chan-Gusko, Nataly Jung-Hwa Han and Arnd Kolb (eds.): Unbekannte Vielfalt. Einblicke in die koreanische Migrationsgeschichte in Deutschland, 2nd Edition 2022, p. 18–37; Anissa Finzi/Alice Mazzara: War die Arbeitsmigration nur männlich? “Gasta”arbeiterinnen im Ruhrgebiet, in: Forum Geschichtskultur Ruhr (2019), H. 2, p. 21–24. ↩︎
  8. Cf.: Garz: „Wir waren trotz der Schwierigkeiten, p. 18–37, here: 22. ↩︎
  9. The women recruited worked in various sectors; in addition to the textile, clothing and food industries, they also worked for automotive parts suppliers, as well as in iron and metal production and processing. For example, Siemens in Munich, the Stollwerk chocolate factory in Cologne and the automotive supplier Pierburg in Neuss specifically recruited women from abroad. (cf.: Hunn, p. 86ff, Strike at Pierburg: https://domid.org/news/pierburg-streik-solidaritaet-unter-arbeiterinnen/ [25th July 2026] and Monika Mattes, female guest workers). ↩︎
  10. Cf.: Anissa Finzi/Alice Mazzara: War die Arbeitsmigration nur männlich? “Gasta”arbeiterinnen im Ruhrgebiet, in: Forum Geschichtskultur Ruhr (2019), H. 2, p. 21–24. ↩︎
  11. Mattes, Monika: “Female Guest Workers” in the Federal Republic of Germany. Recruitment policy, migration and gender in the 1950s to the 1970s. Frankfurt am Main 2005. ↩︎
  12. Invisible Caretakers – labor migration of women in Germany: Invisible Caretakers – labor migration of women in Germany | DOMiD | Documentation Center and Museum of Migration in Germany [29th July 2026]. ↩︎
  13. Mattes, Monika: “Female guest workers” in the Federal Republic. Recruitment policy, migration and gender in the 1950s to the 1970s. Frankfurt am Main 2005, p. 10. ↩︎

“We plant our own roots” 

Professional Mobility and Family Decisions

A professional opportunity leads Estre and her family from Spain to Germany. Her story shows how international mobility is shaped not only by career opportunities, but also by economic circumstances and shared family decisions. 

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Settling In Through Support and Personal Agency 

Estre describes how the support of her employer, social networks, and her own openness helped her settle into life in Germany. At the same time, she makes clear that belonging does not emerge through institutional support alone, but is actively built through everyday relationships and personal initiative. 

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Work, Family and Belonging Across Borders

Looking back, Estre reflects on balancing work and family life, navigating different workplace cultures, and experiencing subtle forms of discrimination. She also explains how her family has put down new roots in Germany, showing that home is something people actively create. 

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Historical-Political Background

Estre moved from Spain to Germany in 2013 as part of an international work assignment, continuing her international career. She initially relocated to Hanover in March, while her husband and their two daughters joined her shortly after, once accommodation and the children’s schooling had been arranged. Throughout the relocation process, the family received extensive support from her employer. 

As the world of work has become increasingly international, companies have expanded the cross-border deployment of skilled professionals over the past decades. Within the European Union, the free movement of workers facilitates this exchange. Many companies offer their employees the opportunity to work abroad for a limited period, enabling them to gain international experience while strengthening collaboration between different branches. 

Estre’s story illustrates how a temporary international work assignment can develop into a permanent life in a new country. Her interview highlights that successful settlement depends not only on favourable structural conditions but, above all, on openness, mutual support, and a sense of belonging. At the same time, she describes the move to Germany as an enriching experience for her family. Her daughters grew up in an international and multilingual environment, allowing them to gain a wide range of cultural and personal experiences. 

Making of

How and why did you decide to deal with and present this specific story? 

On the occasion of the 60th anniversary of the recruitment agreement between Bonn and Ankara, the Ruhr Museum presented the exhibition “We Are from Here. Turkish-German Life 1990. Photographs by Ergun Çağatay” (2021), as well as “Mustafa’s Dream. Photographs by Henning Christoph on Turkish Life in Germany 1977–1989” (2021-2022). 

Both exhibitions combined historical insights with personal stories and aimed to bring greater attention to the long-overlooked experiences of labour migration in Germany, while also encouraging dialogue between generations and communities. 

The accompanying programs were also deliberately designed to be participatory. The decision to tell migration history not only from an institutional perspective, but also to actively involve the communities concerned, was based on the idea of making diverse experiences visible and sharing interpretive authority. 

In this context, the Ruhr Museum is involved in the European project FeMig.Lab. Through its own interview project, it specifically focuses on the life stories of migrant women in order to raise the profile of female migration experiences, which have historically been less well documented. The focus is on intergenerational experiences of women from Spain, Greece, and Turkey. Its goal is to connect individual perspectives with broader historical and political contexts, offering a more nuanced view of female labour migration. 

How did you negotiate and decide about the methodologies and processes in acquiring/giving the testimony? 

The project is designed and carried out by the Ruhr Museum (Meltem Küçükyılmaz) in cooperation with the Spanischen Elternverein Essen e. V. (Cristina Fernández-Moser), HistAgoge | Geschichtsforschung (Spiridon Papaioannou), and the mitMach Agentur (Mustafa Mert). The questionnaire and thematic focus areas were developed jointly, and the selection of interview partners was also evaluated together. This participatory approach builds on the Ruhr Museum’s previous work. 

In terms of content, the project focuses on two distinct generations of migration: women from the so-called recruitment agreement generation and a more recent wave of migrant women and expatriates who have arrived in Germany since around 2011. The selected interviewees are Anastasia Walden, Ceferina García García, and Neriman Yılmaz, representing the recruitment agreement generation, and Estre, Çağla Diner, and Maria Papadopoulou, representing the more recent wave. With two women from Spain, two from Greece, and two from Turkey, the project combines an intergenerational perspective with a comparative, transnational approach. Since all participants responded to the same set of interview questions, their experiences can be compared systematically. By examining their opportunities, challenges, legal status, employment experiences, and social acceptance in Germany, the project aims to highlight both continuities and changes in women’s migration experiences over time and across national contexts. 

Prior to the interviews, preliminary personal conversations took place, during which the goals, process, and expectations were discussed transparently. The interviewees were actively involved and had a say in deciding which topics and aspects of their stories they wanted to share. The interviews were conducted in a safe environment within the museum and, where desired, in the participants’ native language in order to build trust and reduce barriers. 

Sensitive topics were handled in close coordination with the participants; content could be omitted, anonymized, or adapted at any time. 

How and why did you decide to publicly present the story this way? 

For the presentation, a format was deliberately chosen that preserves the personal character of the stories and allows the women’s voices to be experienced directly. The combination of interviews, images, and personal materials creates a multi-layered approach that makes individual experiences visible and relatable. 

The interviewees were involved in decisions regarding publication and were able to have a say in what content would be included and how their stories would be presented. This ensured that the representation reflected their perspectives and respected their autonomy. 

At the same time, the project sees itself as a curatorial process that is always shaped by selection and classification. This responsibility is consciously reflected upon in order to present the stories in a respectful and context-sensitive way. In doing so, the project acknowledges existing power dynamics and seeks to reduce barriers through participation and transparency. 

Particular emphasis is placed on protecting the participants: issues relating to data protection and publication are communicated clearly and agreed upon jointly. The aim is also to make the content as accessible as possible, especially for the communities involved, and to ensure open access to these stories. 

What is the motivation and benefit for the person/community sharing the story? How did you negotiate this and take it into consideration? 

Throughout the project, care was taken to ensure that both the cooperating partners and the interviewees benefited from their involvement. The cooperation partners received a fee for their conceptual and organizational contributions, recognizing their expertise and commitment. The interviewees were offered an expense allowance to acknowledge their time, their willingness to participate, and their openness in sharing personal stories. 

In addition, the participating associations and institutions benefit from long-term networking with the museum, as well as from the opportunity to make their own perspectives and topics visible and to contribute them to cultural processes. For the interviewees, alongside the financial recognition, the main benefit lies in the visibility of their life stories. 

Overall, the project aims to foster a partnership of equals that encompasses both intangible and tangible forms of recognition and strengthens sustainable relationships between institutions and communities. 

What questions and challenges arose during the processes? 

A key challenge in the project was multilingualism, which is also a major strength. The linguistic diversity of the interviewees reflects their different migration experiences and helped create a trusting and comfortable atmosphere during the conversations. At the same time, it presented practical challenges, particularly in terms of translation and subtitling. This process required a sensitive approach in order to convey meanings as accurately as possible. Thanks to close collaboration with the project partners, this process was successfully carried out as they contributed both their linguistic and cultural expertise. 

Credits

Interview  

Conducted on 11 February 2026 at Ruhr Museum, Essen. © Ruhr Museum 

Texts 

Written by Ruhr Museum.  

We would like to extend our heartfelt thanks to Estre for sharing her story and memories with us. Together with five other interviewees from Spain, Greece, and Turkey, she contributes to an intergenerational and transnational interview project exploring women’s migration experiences in Germany. 

The conception and implementation of the interview project were carried out by Ruhr Museum (Meltem Küçükyılmaz) in cooperation with Spanischer Elternverein Essen e. V. (Cristina Fernández-Moser), HistAgoge | Geschichtsforschung (Spiridon Papaioannou), and mitMach Agentur (Mustafa Mert).

Photos

Privat photos © Estre

Transcript PDF here.

Partner involved

RuhrMuseum Logo 4c mit Schutzraum

Ruhr Museum

An orange-glowing staircase and 6,000 exhibits in a spectacular industrial setting: The Ruhr Museum’s permanent exhibition at the Zollverein UNESCO World Heritage Site shows the fascinating natural and cultural history of one of the world’s largest industrial regions.

The Regional Museum of the Ruhr Area shows in its permanent exhibition the entire natural and cultural history of the region from the formation of coal over 300 million years ago to today’s structural change to the Ruhr metropolis. Visitors follow the former path of the coal and descend deeper and deeper from the present into the history of the Ruhr region. Over three levels, they pass through windowless bunkers, huge industrial machines, raw concrete walls and conveyor belts. In between, 6,000 exhibits show in often fascinating detail how a formerly agricultural region developed into Europe’s largest coal and steel production area and then became the Metropole Ruhr.

Footnotes

“Mama, where are you taking us?”

Arrival and First Impressions: Childhood in Migration   

Anastasia Walden moves to Germany from Greece as a child in the early 1960s. Her arrival is marked by feelings of unfamiliarity, fear, and uncertainty. She initially finds her new surrounding strange and overwhelming. 

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School, Language, and Finding Her Own Path     

In her adult life, she focuses on her career, family and community involvement. Anastasia juggles responsibilities at work, at home, and within the Greek community. 

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Work, Family, and Community Engagement  

In her adult life, she focuses on her career, family and community involvement. Anastasia juggles responsibilities at work, in raising her children, and within the Greek community.

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Historical-Political Background

Historical-Political Background 

In the 1960s, the Federal Republic of Germany experienced rapid economic growth during the so-called “Wirtschaftswunder”, which led to an increasing demand for labour. To address an impending lack of workforce, Germany signed recruitment agreements with several countries, including Greece on 30 March 1960. The aim was to attract workers for the industrial and service sectors, particularly for mining, the steel industry, and other areas of production. 

Over time, many of these workers brought their families to Germany, as it became clear that their stay would not be temporary but long-term. 

Anastasia Walden, née Papadopoulou, was born in Votanochóri near Larissa in Thessaly/Greece and came to Germany as a child in August 1963. Her parents had migrated earlier under the recruitment agreement. While her father worked in construction, her mother gradually established herself as a seamstress. 

Anastasia’s arrival in Germany was marked by strong impressions: her new surroundings initially seemed unfamiliar and frightening. Entering school and adapting to everyday life posed major challenges, particularly due to language barriers, but also opened up new opportunities. She completed a commercial training and went on to work for many years in the same company. 

Over the course of her life, she also experienced social and political changes in Germany that affected her daily life. After the opening of the inner-German border, the atmosphere in her workplace changed noticeably, and questions of belonging were renegotiated. 

Alongside her professional life, she was actively engaged in her family and in the Greek community, taking on responsibilities in her children’s school environment and participating in community activities.1

She initially lived in Recklinghausen, where she completed her business training. After getting married, she moved to Bochum, where she continues to live today. 

Anastasia Walden’s biography is representative of many life stories of children born to labour migrants, who found their own paths between family expectations, education, and professional opportunities. 

Making of

How and why did you decide to deal with and present this specific story? 

On the occasion of the 60th anniversary of the recruitment agreement between Bonn and Ankara, the Ruhr Museum presented the exhibition “We Are from Here. Turkish-German Life 1990. Photographs by Ergun Çağatay” (2021), as well as “Mustafa’s Dream. Photographs by Henning Christoph on Turkish Life in Germany 1977–1989” (2021-2022). 

Both exhibitions combined historical insights with personal stories and aimed to bring greater attention to the long-overlooked experiences of labour migration in Germany, while also encouraging dialogue between generations and communities. 

The accompanying programs were also deliberately designed to be participatory. The decision to tell migration history not only from an institutional perspective, but also to actively involve the communities concerned, was based on the idea of making diverse experiences visible and sharing interpretive authority. 

In this context, the Ruhr Museum is involved in the European project FeMig.Lab. Through its own interview project, it specifically focuses on the life stories of migrant women in order to raise the profile of female migration experiences, which have historically been less well documented. The focus is on intergenerational experiences of women from Spain, Greece, and Turkey. Its goal is to connect individual perspectives with broader historical and political contexts, offering a more nuanced view of female labour migration. 

How did you negotiate and decide about the methodologies and processes in acquiring/giving the testimony? 

The project is designed and carried out by the Ruhr Museum (Meltem Küçükyılmaz) in cooperation with the Spanischen Elternverein Essen e. V. (Cristina Fernández-Moser), HistAgoge | Geschichtsforschung (Spiridon Papaioannou), and the mitMach Agentur (Mustafa Mert). The questionnaire and thematic focus areas were developed jointly, and the selection of interview partners was also evaluated together. This participatory approach builds on the Ruhr Museum’s previous work. 

In terms of content, the project focuses on two distinct generations of migration: women from the so-called recruitment agreement generation and a more recent wave of migrant women and expatriates who have arrived in Germany since around 2011. The selected interviewees are Anastasia Walden, Ceferina García García, and Neriman Yılmaz, representing the recruitment agreement generation, and EstreÇağla Diner, and Maria Papadopoulou, representing the more recent wave. With two women from Spain, two from Greece, and two from Turkey, the project combines an intergenerational perspective with a comparative, transnational approach. Since all participants responded to the same set of interview questions, their experiences can be compared systematically. By examining their opportunities, challenges, legal status, employment experiences, and social acceptance in Germany, the project aims to highlight both continuities and changes in women’s migration experiences over time and across national contexts. 

Prior to the interviews, preliminary personal conversations took place, during which the goals, process, and expectations were discussed transparently. The interviewees were actively involved and had a say in deciding which topics and aspects of their stories they wanted to share. The interviews were conducted in a safe environment within the museum and, where desired, in the participants’ native language in order to build trust and reduce barriers. 

Sensitive topics were handled in close coordination with the participants; content could be omitted, anonymized, or adapted at any time. 

How and why did you decide to publicly present the story this way? 

For the presentation, a format was deliberately chosen that preserves the personal character of the stories and allows the women’s voices to be experienced directly. The combination of interviews, images, and personal materials creates a multi-layered approach that makes individual experiences visible and relatable. 

The interviewees were involved in decisions regarding publication and were able to have a say in what content would be included and how their stories would be presented. This ensured that the representation reflected their perspectives and respected their autonomy. 

At the same time, the project sees itself as a curatorial process that is always shaped by selection and classification. This responsibility is consciously reflected upon in order to present the stories in a respectful and context-sensitive way. In doing so, the project acknowledges existing power dynamics and seeks to reduce barriers through participation and transparency. 

Particular emphasis is placed on protecting the participants: issues relating to data protection and publication are communicated clearly and agreed upon jointly. The aim is also to make the content as accessible as possible, especially for the communities involved, and to ensure open access to these stories. 

What is the motivation and benefit for the person/community sharing the story? How did you negotiate this and take it into consideration? 

Throughout the project, care was taken to ensure that both the cooperating partners and the interviewees benefited from their involvement. The cooperation partners received a fee for their conceptual and organizational contributions, recognizing their expertise and commitment. The interviewees were offered an expense allowance to acknowledge their time, their willingness to participate, and their openness in sharing personal stories. 

In addition, the participating associations and institutions benefit from long-term networking with the museum, as well as from the opportunity to make their own perspectives and topics visible and to contribute them to cultural processes. For the interviewees, alongside the financial recognition, the main benefit lies in the visibility of their life stories. 

Overall, the project aims to foster a partnership of equals that encompasses both intangible and tangible forms of recognition and strengthens sustainable relationships between institutions and communities. 

What questions and challenges arose during the processes? 

A key challenge in the project was multilingualism, which is also a major strength. The linguistic diversity of the interviewees reflects their different migration experiences and helped create a trusting and comfortable atmosphere during the conversations. At the same time, it presented practical challenges, particularly in terms of translation and subtitling. This process required a sensitive approach in order to convey meanings as accurately as possible. Thanks to close collaboration with the project partners, this process was successfully carried out as they contributed both their linguistic and cultural expertise. 

Credits

Interview  

Conducted on 11 February 2026 at Ruhr Museum, Essen. © Ruhr Museum 

Texts 

The texts were created with the involvement of Spiridon Papaioannou. 

We would like to extend our heartfelt thanks to Anastasia Walden for sharing her story and memories with us. Together with five other interviewees from Spain, Greece, and Turkey, she contributes to an intergenerational and transnational interview project exploring women’s migration experiences in Germany. 

The conception and implementation of the interview project were carried out by Ruhr Museum (Meltem Küçükyılmaz) in collaboration with Spanischer Elternverein Essen e. V. (Cristina Fernández-Moser), HistAgoge | Geschichtsforschung (Spiridon Papaioannou), and mitMach Agentur (Mustafa Mert). 

Pictures 

© Anastasia Walden 

Transcript PDF here.

Partner involved

RuhrMuseum Logo 4c mit Schutzraum

Ruhr Museum

An orange-glowing staircase and 6,000 exhibits in a spectacular industrial setting: The Ruhr Museum’s permanent exhibition at the Zollverein UNESCO World Heritage Site shows the fascinating natural and cultural history of one of the world’s largest industrial regions.

The Regional Museum of the Ruhr Area shows in its permanent exhibition the entire natural and cultural history of the region from the formation of coal over 300 million years ago to today’s structural change to the Ruhr metropolis. Visitors follow the former path of the coal and descend deeper and deeper from the present into the history of the Ruhr region. Over three levels, they pass through windowless bunkers, huge industrial machines, raw concrete walls and conveyor belts. In between, 6,000 exhibits show in often fascinating detail how a formerly agricultural region developed into Europe’s largest coal and steel production area and then became the Metropole Ruhr.

Footnotes

  1. Anastasia Walden served for several years on the board of a Greek parents’ association, where she was involved, among other roles, as secretary and chairperson; see also, for additional context on the association’s history: Griechische Vereinigung Bochum e.V. (formerly Verein griechischer Eltern- und Erziehungsberechtigter Bochum e.V.), “Unsere Historie”, available online at: http://www.grinbo.de/unsere-historie/  ↩︎

“Or I try my luck abroad”

Decision and Departure: Migration in Times of Crisis

Against the backdrop of the economic crisis in Greece, Maria Papadopoulou faces a fundamental decision after completing her studies: to stay or to leave. Migration appears as a way to escape uncertainty and to seek new opportunities. 

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For a full transcript of this video interview, please see the PDF linked below in the credits.

Arrival and Adjustment: Language, Studies, Everyday Life 

The first years in Germany are marked by a new beginning: learning the language, finding orientation within the academic system, and navigating everyday life in a new environment. Challenges and uncertainties accompany this process. 

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For a full transcript of this video interview, please see the PDF linked below in the credits.

Perspectives and Belonging: Work, Networks, Future 

Over time, new opportunities emerge through studies, work, and social networks. At the same time, her connection to Greece remains strong and continues to shape her sense of belonging. 

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For a full transcript of this video interview, please see the PDF linked below in the credits.

Historical-Political Background

Maria Papadopoulou was born in Stavrós/Amigdaleóna near Kavála in the Greek region of Macedonia, and came to Germany on 14 February 2014 for professional and educational reasons. She initially moved to Dortmund, where an uncle wo had lived there since the age of eighteen supported her during her initial period in the city. 

She decided to pursue further studies in social work, building on her degree in primary education in Greece. In this context, she later moved to Essen, where she continues to live today. 

The financial and economic crisis that affected many countries in the Eurozone from 2009 onwards had a particularly severe impact on Greece. High unemployment, declining incomes, and limited future prospects led many people, especially young adults, to seek new opportunities abroad. After completing her studies, Maria Papadopoulou also faced the decision of whether to remain in Greece or to pursue new prospects in another country. 

During this time, Germany became a central destination due to its comparatively stable economic conditions and diverse educational opportunities. Additionally, an established Greek community, dating back to the 1960s, provided important points of reference. Existing family networks, as in her case, often made it easier to relocate to Germany. 

In addition to improving career prospects, access to universities and further study programs played an important role for many. At the same time, individual experiences such as those of Maria Papadopoulou show that migration is also associated with challenges, particularly in learning the language and entering higher education and the labour market. 

Making of

How and why did you decide to deal with and present this specific story? 

On the occasion of the 60th anniversary of the recruitment agreement between Bonn and Ankara, the Ruhr Museum presented the exhibition “We Are from Here. Turkish-German Life 1990. Photographs by Ergun Çağatay” (2021), as well as “Mustafa’s Dream. Photographs by Henning Christoph on Turkish Life in Germany 1977–1989” (2021-2022). 

Both exhibitions combined historical insights with personal stories and aimed to bring greater attention to the long-overlooked experiences of labour migration in Germany, while also encouraging dialogue between generations and communities. 

The accompanying programs were also deliberately designed to be participatory. The decision to tell migration history not only from an institutional perspective, but also to actively involve the communities concerned, was based on the idea of making diverse experiences visible and sharing interpretive authority. 

In this context, the Ruhr Museum is involved in the European project FeMig.Lab. Through its own interview project, it specifically focuses on the life stories of migrant women in order to raise the profile of female migration experiences, which have historically been less well documented. The focus is on intergenerational experiences of women from Spain, Greece, and Turkey. Its goal is to connect individual perspectives with broader historical and political contexts, offering a more nuanced view of female labour migration. 

How did you negotiate and decide about the methodologies and processes in acquiring/giving the testimony? 

The project is designed and carried out by the Ruhr Museum (Meltem Küçükyılmaz) in cooperation with the Spanischen Elternverein Essen e. V. (Cristina Fernández-Moser), HistAgoge | Geschichtsforschung (Spiridon Papaioannou), and the mitMach Agentur (Mustafa Mert). The questionnaire and thematic focus areas were developed jointly, and the selection of interview partners was also evaluated together. This participatory approach builds on the Ruhr Museum’s previous work. 

In terms of content, the project focuses on two distinct generations of migration: women from the so-called recruitment agreement generation and a more recent wave of migrant women and expatriates who have arrived in Germany since around 2011. The selected interviewees are Anastasia Walden, Ceferina García García, and Neriman Yılmaz, representing the recruitment agreement generation, and EstreÇağla Diner, and Maria Papadopoulou, representing the more recent wave. With two women from Spain, two from Greece, and two from Turkey, the project combines an intergenerational perspective with a comparative, transnational approach. Since all participants responded to the same set of interview questions, their experiences can be compared systematically. By examining their opportunities, challenges, legal status, employment experiences, and social acceptance in Germany, the project aims to highlight both continuities and changes in women’s migration experiences over time and across national contexts. 

Prior to the interviews, preliminary personal conversations took place, during which the goals, process, and expectations were discussed transparently. The interviewees were actively involved and had a say in deciding which topics and aspects of their stories they wanted to share. The interviews were conducted in a safe environment within the museum and, where desired, in the participants’ native language in order to build trust and reduce barriers. 

Sensitive topics were handled in close coordination with the participants; content could be omitted, anonymized, or adapted at any time. 

How and why did you decide to publicly present the story this way? 

For the presentation, a format was deliberately chosen that preserves the personal character of the stories and allows the women’s voices to be experienced directly. The combination of interviews, images, and personal materials creates a multi-layered approach that makes individual experiences visible and relatable. 

The interviewees were involved in decisions regarding publication and were able to have a say in what content would be included and how their stories would be presented. This ensured that the representation reflected their perspectives and respected their autonomy. 

At the same time, the project sees itself as a curatorial process that is always shaped by selection and classification. This responsibility is consciously reflected upon in order to present the stories in a respectful and context-sensitive way. In doing so, the project acknowledges existing power dynamics and seeks to reduce barriers through participation and transparency. 

Particular emphasis is placed on protecting the participants: issues relating to data protection and publication are communicated clearly and agreed upon jointly. The aim is also to make the content as accessible as possible, especially for the communities involved, and to ensure open access to these stories. 

What is the motivation and benefit for the person/community sharing the story? How did you negotiate this and take it into consideration? 

Throughout the project, care was taken to ensure that both the cooperating partners and the interviewees benefited from their involvement. The cooperation partners received a fee for their conceptual and organizational contributions, recognizing their expertise and commitment. The interviewees were offered an expense allowance to acknowledge their time, their willingness to participate, and their openness in sharing personal stories. 

In addition, the participating associations and institutions benefit from long-term networking with the museum, as well as from the opportunity to make their own perspectives and topics visible and to contribute them to cultural processes. For the interviewees, alongside the financial recognition, the main benefit lies in the visibility of their life stories. 

Overall, the project aims to foster a partnership of equals that encompasses both intangible and tangible forms of recognition and strengthens sustainable relationships between institutions and communities. 

What questions and challenges arose during the processes? 

A key challenge in the project was multilingualism, which is also a major strength. The linguistic diversity of the interviewees reflects their different migration experiences and helped create a trusting and comfortable atmosphere during the conversations. At the same time, it presented practical challenges, particularly in terms of translation and subtitling. This process required a sensitive approach in order to convey meanings as accurately as possible. Thanks to close collaboration with the project partners, this process was successfully carried out as they contributed both their linguistic and cultural expertise. 

Credits

Interview  

Conducted on 11 February 2026 at Ruhr Museum, Essen. © Ruhr Museum 

Texts 

The texts were created with the involvement of Spiridon Papaioannou. 

We would like to extend our heartfelt thanks to Maria Papadopoulou for sharing her story and memories with us. Together with five other interviewees from Spain, Greece, and Turkey, she contributes to an intergenerational and transnational interview project exploring women’s migration experiences in Germany. 

The conception and implementation of the interview project were carried out by Ruhr Museum (Meltem Küçükyılmaz) in collaboration with Spanischer Elternverein Essen e. V. (Cristina Fernández-Moser), HistAgoge | Geschichtsforschung (Spiridon Papaioannou), and mitMach Agentur (Mustafa Mert). 

Photos  

© Maria Papadopoulou 

Transcript PDF here.

Partner involved

RuhrMuseum Logo 4c mit Schutzraum

Ruhr Museum

An orange-glowing staircase and 6,000 exhibits in a spectacular industrial setting: The Ruhr Museum’s permanent exhibition at the Zollverein UNESCO World Heritage Site shows the fascinating natural and cultural history of one of the world’s largest industrial regions.

The Regional Museum of the Ruhr Area shows in its permanent exhibition the entire natural and cultural history of the region from the formation of coal over 300 million years ago to today’s structural change to the Ruhr metropolis. Visitors follow the former path of the coal and descend deeper and deeper from the present into the history of the Ruhr region. Over three levels, they pass through windowless bunkers, huge industrial machines, raw concrete walls and conveyor belts. In between, 6,000 exhibits show in often fascinating detail how a formerly agricultural region developed into Europe’s largest coal and steel production area and then became the Metropole Ruhr.

Footnotes

“Paid less, worked like others” 

Leaving Spain: Crisis and Decision

Ceferina García García grows up in Asturias, where economic hardship and uncertainty shape everyday life. When her husband falls ill and the family faces growing financial pressure, the decision to leave Spain becomes inevitable. 

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For a full transcript of this video interview, please see the PDF linked below in the credits.

Arrival and Struggle: Life in Germany

Arriving in Germany brings new challenges: unfamiliar language, hard work in the textile industry, and difficult living conditions. At the same time, Ceferina must cope with the painful separation from her children. 

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Building a Life: Work, Family, and Belonging 

Over time, Ceferina gains confidence and stands up for herself at work. Through perseverance and support from others, she gradually builds a new life in Germany and creates a sense of belonging. 

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For a full transcript of this video interview, please see the PDF linked below in the credits.

Historical-Political Background

Ovidio Fernández García, born in 1927, initially worked as a hewer in the La Camocha coal mine in Gijón, a mining town in the northern Spanish region of Asturias. After being diagnosed with silicosis, he was no longer able to work underground. Faced with debts from the construction of his house, he decided to migrate to the Ruhr region in 1961. In Essen, he first found work at an ironworks and later at GWB Gelenkwellenbau, where he was employed as a lathe operator until his retirement. He died in Essen on 23 May 2013. 

His migration was part of the large wave of Spanish labour migration to West Germany during the 1960s. Following the bilateral recruitment agreement of 1960, the Ruhr region, West Germany’s centre of coal mining and heavy industry, became a major destination for Spanish workers recruited to address severe labour shortages during the economic boom. At the same time, limited economic opportunities and political repression under the Franco dictatorship encouraged many Spaniards to seek work abroad, often intending to return after a few years. 

His wife, Ceferina García García, was born on 8 March 1931 in San Julián de Bimenes (Asturias). Born out of wedlock, she grew up under difficult circumstances. At the age of nine, she lost her mother and was raised by her grandmother and aunts. Although she enjoyed attending school, this was not always possible for her, as her help was needed in agricultural work, especially during harvest time. Her childhood was shaped by the Spanish Civil War and the hardships of the post-war years. 

Ovidio and Ceferina were married on 20 January 1951 in San Julián de Bimenes. Their first daughter, Irene, was born the same year, followed by their second daughter, Cristina, in 1959 in La Camocha near Gijón. In 1960, the family purchased a plot of land and began building their own house. 

In 1962,one year after her husband, Ceferina travelled to Germany by train with a friend. She initially left her two daughters with relatives in the family’s newly built house in Spain. In Essen, she worked as a seamstress in various companies. When it became clear that a quick return to Spain would not be possible, Ovidio and Ceferina brought their daughters to Germany. While Irene stayed with her parents in Essen, Cristina temporarily returned to Spain due to illness. 

In April 1966, their son Ovidio was born at the Knappschaftskrankenhaus in Essen-Steele. Shortly afterward, the family travelled together to Spain for the younger daughter’s First Communion. They then returned to Essen, where, for the first time since Ovidio’s birth, the entire family lived together again, but only for a limited period. 

After another stay in Spain, the older daughter Irene decided to return permanently to Gijón, where she found employment. Once again, the family was separated. 

Ceferina García García continued working in various tailoring shops as well as in cleaning jobs, including for the Diocese of Essen. In addition to her work in textile factories and retail, she also took on private sewing work for neighbours and acquaintances. 

Ceferina initially experienced unequal treatment in the workplace. Foreign workers were often assigned lower wage categories than their German colleagues despite performing the same tasks. These inequalities reflected broader structural practices within the West German labour market, where migrant workers frequently had limited opportunities to challenge their classification or negotiate better wages. Ceferina herself recalled receiving substantially lower pay than her German coworkers despite doing the same work. Only after raising the issue with management did she receive equal pay. 

From the late 1980s onward, during retirement, the couple lived alternately in Spain and Germany. While Irene remained based in Gijón, Cristina and her brother Ovidio continued to live in Essen. 

The family’s story is representative of many biographies of labour migrants, whose lives were shaped by work, separation, and the desire to create a better future for their families. 

Making of 

How and why did you decide to deal with and present this specific story? 

On the occasion of the 60th anniversary of the recruitment agreement between Bonn and Ankara, the Ruhr Museum presented the exhibition “We Are from Here. Turkish-German Life 1990. Photographs by Ergun Çağatay” (2021), as well as “Mustafa’s Dream. Photographs by Henning Christoph on Turkish Life in Germany 1977–1989” (2021-2022). 

Both exhibitions combined historical insights with personal stories and aimed to bring greater attention to the long-overlooked experiences of labour migration in Germany, while also encouraging dialogue between generations and communities. 

The accompanying programs were also deliberately designed to be participatory. The decision to tell migration history not only from an institutional perspective, but also to actively involve the communities concerned, was based on the idea of making diverse experiences visible and sharing interpretive authority. 

In this context, the Ruhr Museum is involved in the European project FeMig.Lab. Through its own interview project, it specifically focuses on the life stories of migrant women in order to raise the profile of female migration experiences, which have historically been less well documented. The focus is on intergenerational experiences of women from Spain, Greece, and Turkey. Its goal is to connect individual perspectives with broader historical and political contexts, offering a more nuanced view of female labour migration. 

How did you negotiate and decide about the methodologies and processes in acquiring/giving the testimony? 

The project is designed and carried out by the Ruhr Museum (Meltem Küçükyılmaz) in cooperation with the Spanischen Elternverein Essen e. V. (Cristina Fernández-Moser), HistAgoge | Geschichtsforschung (Spiridon Papaioannou), and the mitMach Agentur (Mustafa Mert). The questionnaire and thematic focus areas were developed jointly, and the selection of interview partners was also evaluated together. This participatory approach builds on the Ruhr Museum’s previous work. 

In terms of content, the project focuses on two distinct generations of migration: women from the so-called recruitment agreement generation and a more recent wave of migrant women and expatriates who have arrived in Germany since around 2011. The selected interviewees are Anastasia Walden, Ceferina García García, and Neriman Yılmaz, representing the recruitment agreement generation, and EstreÇağla Diner, and Maria Papadopoulou, representing the more recent wave. With two women from Spain, two from Greece, and two from Turkey, the project combines an intergenerational perspective with a comparative, transnational approach. Since all participants responded to the same set of interview questions, their experiences can be compared systematically. By examining their opportunities, challenges, legal status, employment experiences, and social acceptance in Germany, the project aims to highlight both continuities and changes in women’s migration experiences over time and across national contexts. 

Prior to the interviews, preliminary personal conversations took place, during which the goals, process, and expectations were discussed transparently. The interviewees were actively involved and had a say in deciding which topics and aspects of their stories they wanted to share. The interviews were conducted in a safe environment within the museum and, where desired, in the participants’ native language in order to build trust and reduce barriers. 

Sensitive topics were handled in close coordination with the participants; content could be omitted, anonymized, or adapted at any time. 

How and why did you decide to publicly present the story this way? 

For the presentation, a format was deliberately chosen that preserves the personal character of the stories and allows the women’s voices to be experienced directly. The combination of interviews, images, and personal materials creates a multi-layered approach that makes individual experiences visible and relatable. 

The interviewees were involved in decisions regarding publication and were able to have a say in what content would be included and how their stories would be presented. This ensured that the representation reflected their perspectives and respected their autonomy. 

At the same time, the project sees itself as a curatorial process that is always shaped by selection and classification. This responsibility is consciously reflected upon in order to present the stories in a respectful and context-sensitive way. In doing so, the project acknowledges existing power dynamics and seeks to reduce barriers through participation and transparency. 

Particular emphasis is placed on protecting the participants: issues relating to data protection and publication are communicated clearly and agreed upon jointly. The aim is also to make the content as accessible as possible, especially for the communities involved, and to ensure open access to these stories. 

What is the motivation and benefit for the person/community sharing the story? How did you negotiate this and take it into consideration? 

Throughout the project, care was taken to ensure that both the cooperating partners and the interviewees benefited from their involvement. The cooperation partners received a fee for their conceptual and organizational contributions, recognizing their expertise and commitment. The interviewees were offered an expense allowance to acknowledge their time, their willingness to participate, and their openness in sharing personal stories. 

In addition, the participating associations and institutions benefit from long-term networking with the museum, as well as from the opportunity to make their own perspectives and topics visible and to contribute them to cultural processes. For the interviewees, alongside the financial recognition, the main benefit lies in the visibility of their life stories. 

Overall, the project aims to foster a partnership of equals that encompasses both intangible and tangible forms of recognition and strengthens sustainable relationships between institutions and communities. 

What questions and challenges arose during the processes? 

A key challenge in the project was multilingualism, which is also a major strength. The linguistic diversity of the interviewees reflects their different migration experiences and helped create a trusting and comfortable atmosphere during the conversations. At the same time, it presented practical challenges, particularly in terms of translation and subtitling. This process required a sensitive approach in order to convey meanings as accurately as possible. Thanks to close collaboration with the project partners, this process was successfully carried out as they contributed both their linguistic and cultural expertise. 

Credits

Interview  

Conducted on 11 February 2026 at the Ruhr Museum, Essen. © Ruhr Museum 

Texts 

The texts were created with the involvement of Cristina Fernández-Moser, the daughter of Ceferina García García. 

We would like to extend our heartfelt thanks to Ceferina García García for sharing her story and memories with us. Together with five other interviewees from Spain, Greece, and Turkey, she contributes to an intergenerational and transnational interview project exploring women’s migration experiences in Germany. 

The conception and implementation of the interview project were carried out by the Ruhr Museum (Meltem Küçükyılmaz) in cooperation with Spanischer Elternverein Essen e. V. (Cristina Fernández-Moser), HistAgoge | Geschichtsforschung (Spiridon Papaioannou), and mitMach Agentur (Mustafa Mert). 

Photos

Copyright of all photos except for the radio: © Cristina Fernández-Moser 

Copyright for the radio photo: © Ruhr Museum, Foto: Rainer Rothenberg 

Transcript PDF here

Partner involved

RuhrMuseum Logo 4c mit Schutzraum

Ruhr Museum

An orange-glowing staircase and 6,000 exhibits in a spectacular industrial setting: The Ruhr Museum’s permanent exhibition at the Zollverein UNESCO World Heritage Site shows the fascinating natural and cultural history of one of the world’s largest industrial regions.

The Regional Museum of the Ruhr Area shows in its permanent exhibition the entire natural and cultural history of the region from the formation of coal over 300 million years ago to today’s structural change to the Ruhr metropolis. Visitors follow the former path of the coal and descend deeper and deeper from the present into the history of the Ruhr region. Over three levels, they pass through windowless bunkers, huge industrial machines, raw concrete walls and conveyor belts. In between, 6,000 exhibits show in often fascinating detail how a formerly agricultural region developed into Europe’s largest coal and steel production area and then became the Metropole Ruhr.

Footnotes

“I thought I would go back.”

Origins and departure

Neriman Yılmaz Alp grows up in a village in Turkey. Her life is shaped by family structures, communal work, and rural living conditions. At first, there are no plans for her to move to Germany. It is only her father’s decision that leads to her coming to Germany as a young woman. 

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For a full transcript of this video interview, please see the PDF linked below in the credits.

Work, language, perseverance

In Germany, she begins her life without any knowledge of the language. She finds her first jobs and acquires the language through everyday life. Her subsequent life is shaped by continuous work, family responsibilities, and challenges within both professional and social contexts, including discrimination as a woman and a migrant. 

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For a full transcript of this video interview, please see the PDF linked below in the credits.

Arriving between two worlds

Over the years, she builds a life for herself in Germany and finds her place in society. At the same time, she has maintained her connection to Turkey. Her biography represents a life lived between two cultural contexts. 

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For a full transcript of this video interview, please see the PDF linked below in the credits.

Historical-Political Background

The life story of Neriman Yılmaz Alp is closely intertwined with the history of so-called guest workers in Germany. Following the 1961 recruitment agreement between West Germany and Turkey, hundreds of thousands of people came to Germany as workers – most of them with the expectation of staying only temporarily. 

In Neriman’s family, it was her father who went to Germany first, while the rest of the family remained in Turkey. They later joined him through family reunification, a turning point that marked a profound change for many families. For a young person like Neriman, this meant not just moving countries, but starting over in an unfamiliar environment. 

Since so-called guest worker programs were originally intended to be temporary, structures for social participation were lacking for a long time. Many people arrived without any knowledge of the language and had to carve out their place in society on their own. Neriman’s experience reflects this: she initially managed her everyday life without speaking German and gradually worked her way into the labour market step by step. 

The feelings of uncertainty, disappointment, and homesickness she describes mirror the realities of many migrant lives of that time. At the same time, her story shows how what was once meant to be a temporary stay became a permanent life, shaped by work, family, and the desire for independence. 

Today, her biography stands as an example of a generation that helped shape Germany, even though the realities of their lives were not recognized as part of the country’s social history for a long time. 

Making of

How and why did you decide to deal with and present this specific story?

On the occasion of the 60th anniversary of the recruitment agreement between Bonn and Ankara, the Ruhr Museum presented the exhibition “We Are from Here. Turkish-German Life 1990. Photographs by Ergun Çağatay” (2021), as well as “Mustafa’s Dream. Photographs by Henning Christoph on Turkish Life in Germany 1977–1989” (2021-2022). 

Both exhibitions combined historical insights with personal stories and aimed to bring greater attention to the long-overlooked experiences of labour migration in Germany, while also encouraging dialogue between generations and communities. 

The accompanying programs were also deliberately designed to be participatory. The decision to tell migration history not only from an institutional perspective, but also to actively involve the communities concerned, was based on the idea of making diverse experiences visible and sharing interpretive authority. 

In this context, the Ruhr Museum is involved in the European project FeMig.Lab. Through its own interview project, it specifically focuses on the life stories of migrant women in order to raise the profile of female migration experiences, which have historically been less well documented. The focus is on intergenerational experiences of women from Spain, Greece, and Turkey. Its goal is to connect individual perspectives with broader historical and political contexts, offering a more nuanced view of female labour migration. 

How did you negotiate and decide about the methodologies and processes in acquiring/giving the testimony?

The project is designed and carried out by the Ruhr Museum (Meltem Küçükyılmaz) in cooperation with the Spanischen Elternverein Essen e. V. (Cristina Fernández-Moser), HistAgoge | Geschichtsforschung (Spiridon Papaioannou), and the mitMach Agentur (Mustafa Mert). The questionnaire and thematic focus areas were developed jointly, and the selection of interview partners was also evaluated together. This participatory approach builds on the Ruhr Museum’s previous work. 

In terms of content, the project focuses on two distinct generations of migration: women from the so-called recruitment agreement generation and a more recent wave of migrant women and expatriates who have arrived in Germany since around 2011. The selected interviewees are Anastasia Walden, Ceferina García García, and Neriman Yılmaz, representing the recruitment agreement generation, and EstreÇağla Diner, and Maria Papadopoulou, representing the more recent wave. With two women from Spain, two from Greece, and two from Turkey, the project combines an intergenerational perspective with a comparative, transnational approach. Since all participants responded to the same set of interview questions, their experiences can be compared systematically. By examining their opportunities, challenges, legal status, employment experiences, and social acceptance in Germany, the project aims to highlight both continuities and changes in women’s migration experiences over time and across national contexts. 

Prior to the interviews, preliminary personal conversations took place, during which the goals, process, and expectations were discussed transparently. The interviewees were actively involved and had a say in deciding which topics and aspects of their stories they wanted to share. The interviews were conducted in a safe environment within the museum and, where desired, in the participants’ native language in order to build trust and reduce barriers. 

Sensitive topics were handled in close coordination with the participants; content could be omitted, anonymized, or adapted at any time. 

How and why did you decide to publicly present the story this way?

For the presentation, a format was deliberately chosen that preserves the personal character of the stories and allows the women’s voices to be experienced directly. The combination of interviews, images, and personal materials creates a multi-layered approach that makes individual experiences visible and relatable. 

The interviewees were involved in decisions regarding publication and were able to have a say in what content would be included and how their stories would be presented. This ensured that the representation reflected their perspectives and respected their autonomy. 

At the same time, the project sees itself as a curatorial process that is always shaped by selection and classification. This responsibility is consciously reflected upon in order to present the stories in a respectful and context-sensitive way. In doing so, the project acknowledges existing power dynamics and seeks to reduce barriers through participation and transparency. 

Particular emphasis is placed on protecting the participants: issues relating to data protection and publication are communicated clearly and agreed upon jointly. The aim is also to make the content as accessible as possible, especially for the communities involved, and to ensure open access to these stories. 

What is the motivation and benefit for the person/community sharing the story? How did you negotiate this and take it into consideration?

Throughout the project, care was taken to ensure that both the cooperating partners and the interviewees benefited from their involvement. The cooperation partners received a fee for their conceptual and organizational contributions, recognizing their expertise and commitment. The interviewees were offered an expense allowance to acknowledge their time, their willingness to participate, and their openness in sharing personal stories. 

In addition, the participating associations and institutions benefit from long-term networking with the museum, as well as from the opportunity to make their own perspectives and topics visible and to contribute them to cultural processes. For the interviewees, alongside the financial recognition, the main benefit lies in the visibility of their life stories. 

Overall, the project aims to foster a partnership of equals that encompasses both intangible and tangible forms of recognition and strengthens sustainable relationships between institutions and communities. 

What questions and challenges arose during the processes?

A key challenge in the project was multilingualism, which is also a major strength. The linguistic diversity of the interviewees reflects their different migration experiences and helped create a trusting and comfortable atmosphere during the conversations. At the same time, it presented practical challenges, particularly in terms of translation and subtitling. This process required a sensitive approach in order to convey meanings as accurately as possible. Thanks to close collaboration with the project partners, this process was successfully carried out as they contributed both their linguistic and cultural expertise. 

Credits

Interview

Conducted on 10 February 2026 at Ruhr Museum, Essen. © Ruhr Museum 

Texts 

Written by Ruhr Museum.  

We would like to extend our heartfelt thanks to Neriman Yılmaz for sharing her story and memories with us. Together with five other interviewees from Spain, Greece, and Turkey, she contributes to an intergenerational and transnational interview project exploring women’s migration experiences in Germany.  

The conception and implementation of the interview project were carried out by Ruhr Museum (Meltem Küçükyılmaz) in cooperation with Spanischer Elternverein Essen e. V. (Cristina Fernández-Moser), HistAgoge | Geschichtsforschung (Spiridon Papaioannou), and mitMach Agentur (Mustafa Mert).

Photos

Privat Pictures © Neriman Yılmaz

Video Transcript PDF here.

Partner involved

RuhrMuseum Logo 4c mit Schutzraum

Ruhr Museum

An orange-glowing staircase and 6,000 exhibits in a spectacular industrial setting: The Ruhr Museum’s permanent exhibition at the Zollverein UNESCO World Heritage Site shows the fascinating natural and cultural history of one of the world’s largest industrial regions.

The Regional Museum of the Ruhr Area shows in its permanent exhibition the entire natural and cultural history of the region from the formation of coal over 300 million years ago to today’s structural change to the Ruhr metropolis. Visitors follow the former path of the coal and descend deeper and deeper from the present into the history of the Ruhr region. Over three levels, they pass through windowless bunkers, huge industrial machines, raw concrete walls and conveyor belts. In between, 6,000 exhibits show in often fascinating detail how a formerly agricultural region developed into Europe’s largest coal and steel production area and then became the Metropole Ruhr.

Footnotes

“Privilege is not being aware of privileges”

Global Academic Career to Political Pressure and Forced Migration

Çağla Diner grows up in Turkey, where she completes her entire school and academic education. After finishing her studies, she moves to the United States, where she lives, conducts research, and works for several years. She then returns to Turkey and continues her academic career. In the context of increasing political repression, censorship, and restrictions on academic autonomy, she feels that she and others like her are unwelcome in Turkey. This ultimately leads to her decision to leave the country. 

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For a full transcript of this video interview, please see the PDF linked below in the credits.

Precarious Arrival and Family Realities 

She comes to Germany through a support program for politically persecuted scholars. Despite her well-paying fellowship, her situation is marked by uncertainty: the absence of formal employment contracts protecting workers’ rights and short-term residence permits makes her living situation precarious. Migrating with a family and children adds further challenges. Limited childcare options for full-time working women and discriminatory practices within the German bureaucracy and labour market play a role in the recurrence of the de-skilling process experienced by many migrants in the country.

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For a full transcript of this video interview, please see the PDF linked below in the credits.

Language, Belonging and Diaspora Experience 

Language barriers complicate her interpersonal relationships and participation in society. She increasingly relies on diaspora networks rather than engaging with broader social or civic life. The dialectic between her need for support and her desire for recognition and participation leads her to continually reflect on questions of belonging and identity. Life in the diaspora becomes an ongoing process of social and political socialization and negotiation, through which she constructs her new identity. 

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For a full transcript of this video interview, please see the PDF linked below in the credits.

Historical-Political Background

The interview with Çağla Diner is set against the backdrop of the political developments in Turkey since the 2010s, which, especially after 2016, led to severe restrictions on freedom of expression and academic autonomy. At the heart of this is the persecution of political and intellectual opposition in the country, including the academics who publicly opposed state violence and were subsequently subjected to different forms of repression. 

For signing the peace petition “we will not be a party to this crime!’ by the “academics for peace” Çağla Diner was prosecuted in a high criminal court for supporting terrorism. As political repression intensified and censorship became more pervasive, she increasingly felt that she no longer had a place in her country, and eventually she left. Her migration thus took place in the context of political repression rather than a search for better job prospects.  

Her arrival in Germany was part of a support program for scholars at risk. These programs provide protection, but are often subject to challenging conditions, such as the absence of employment contracts with regular employee benefits and lack of long-term residency rights. This leaves scholars without legal and economic security, making their future prospects increasingly uncertain. 

At the same time, the interview highlights structural challenges in the German context, including bureaucratic hurdles, limited childcare options for full-time working women, language barriers and uncertainties due to limited contracts. Çağla experiences the German university system as entrenched and hierarchical, making it difficult for foreign researchers to continue their career according to their international expertise. In general, many immigrants in Germany are facing patterns of de-skilling shaped by bureaucratic barriers in the recognition of qualifications, language barriers, and risk-averse, exclusionary and often discriminatory structures within the German labour market.

Çağla Diner also points to the role of migrant networks within the Turkish community, which have emerged over the past 10–15 years, driven by out-migration from Turkey due to increasing political repression and rising conservatism in state institutions. These networks1 provide support but, at the same time, can confine new Turkish migrants to their own communities, channelling their social and economic activities inward rather than towards the broader society. Unfortunately, as Çağla Diner puts forward, this dynamic is reinforced by the exclusionary practices and structural inequalities entrenched in broader German society and state structures. 

Objekt Cagla zugeschnitten
A familiar object through times of change: the rug traveled with Çağla along different migration routes, from one home to the next, and remains with her in Germany today. © Çağla Diner

Making of

How and why did you decide to deal with and present this specific story?

On the occasion of the 60th anniversary of the recruitment agreement between Bonn and Ankara, the Ruhr Museum presented the exhibition “We Are from Here. Turkish-German Life 1990. Photographs by Ergun Çağatay” (2021), as well as “Mustafa’s Dream. Photographs by Henning Christoph on Turkish Life in Germany 1977–1989” (2021-2022). 

Both exhibitions combined historical insights with personal stories and aimed to bring greater attention to the long-overlooked experiences of labour migration in Germany, while also encouraging dialogue between generations and communities. 

The accompanying programs were also deliberately designed to be participatory. The decision to tell migration history not only from an institutional perspective, but also to actively involve the communities concerned, was based on the idea of making diverse experiences visible and sharing interpretive authority. 

In this context, the Ruhr Museum is involved in the European project FeMig.Lab. Through its own interview project, it specifically focuses on the life stories of migrant women in order to raise the profile of female migration experiences, which have historically been less well documented. The focus is on intergenerational experiences of women from Spain, Greece, and Turkey. Its goal is to connect individual perspectives with broader historical and political contexts, offering a more nuanced view of female labour migration. 

How did you negotiate and decide about the methodologies and processes in acquiring/giving the testimony?

The project is designed and carried out by the Ruhr Museum (Meltem Küçükyılmaz) in cooperation with the Spanischen Elternverein Essen e. V. (Cristina Fernández-Moser), HistAgoge | Geschichtsforschung (Spiridon Papaioannou), and the mitMach Agentur (Mustafa Mert). The questionnaire and thematic focus areas were developed jointly, and the selection of interview partners was also evaluated together. This participatory approach builds on the Ruhr Museum’s previous work. 

In terms of content, the project focuses on two distinct generations of migration: women from the so-called recruitment agreement generation and a more recent wave of migrant women and expatriates who have arrived in Germany since around 2011. The selected interviewees are Anastasia Walden, Ceferina García García, and Neriman Yılmaz, representing the recruitment agreement generation, and Estre, Çağla Diner, and Maria Papadopoulou, representing the more recent wave. With two women from Spain, two from Greece, and two from Turkey, the project combines an intergenerational perspective with a comparative, transnational approach. Since all participants responded to the same set of interview questions, their experiences can be compared systematically. By examining their opportunities, challenges, legal status, employment experiences, and social acceptance in Germany, the project aims to highlight both continuities and changes in women’s migration experiences over time and across national contexts. 

Prior to the interviews, preliminary personal conversations took place, during which the goals, process, and expectations were discussed transparently. The interviewees were actively involved and had a say in deciding which topics and aspects of their stories they wanted to share. The interviews were conducted in a safe environment within the museum and, where desired, in the participants’ native language in order to build trust and reduce barriers.

Sensitive topics were handled in close coordination with the participants; content could be omitted, anonymized, or adapted at any time. 

How and why did you decide to publicly present the story this way?

For the presentation, a format was deliberately chosen that preserves the personal character of the stories and allows the women’s voices to be experienced directly. The combination of interviews, images, and personal materials creates a multi-layered approach that makes individual experiences visible and relatable. 

The interviewees were involved in decisions regarding publication and were able to have a say in what content would be included and how their stories would be presented. This ensured that the representation reflected their perspectives and respected their autonomy. 

At the same time, the project sees itself as a curatorial process that is always shaped by selection and classification. This responsibility is consciously reflected upon in order to present the stories in a respectful and context-sensitive way. In doing so, the project acknowledges existing power dynamics and seeks to reduce barriers through participation and transparency. 

Particular emphasis is placed on protecting the participants: issues relating to data protection and publication are communicated clearly and agreed upon jointly. The aim is also to make the content as accessible as possible, especially for the communities involved, and to ensure open access to these stories.

What is the motivation and benefit for the person/community sharing the story? How did you negotiate this and take it into consideration?

Throughout the project, care was taken to ensure that both the cooperating partners and the interviewees benefited from their involvement. The cooperation partners received a fee for their conceptual and organizational contributions, recognizing their expertise and commitment. The interviewees were offered an expense allowance to acknowledge their time, their willingness to participate, and their openness in sharing personal stories. 

In addition, the participating associations and institutions benefit from long-term networking with the museum, as well as from the opportunity to make their own perspectives and topics visible and to contribute them to cultural processes. For the interviewees, alongside the financial recognition, the main benefit lies in the visibility of their life stories. 

Overall, the project aims to foster a partnership of equals that encompasses both intangible and tangible forms of recognition and strengthens sustainable relationships between institutions and communities.

What questions and challenges arose during the processes?

A key challenge in the project was multilingualism, which is also a major strength. The linguistic diversity of the interviewees reflects their different migration experiences and helped create a trusting and comfortable atmosphere during the conversations. At the same time, it presented practical challenges, particularly in terms of translation and subtitling. This process required a sensitive approach in order to convey meanings as accurately as possible. Thanks to close collaboration with the project partners, this process was successfully carried out as they contributed both their linguistic and cultural expertise. 

Credits

Interview

Conducted on 12 February 2026 at Ruhr Museum, Essen. © Ruhr Museum 

Texts

The texts were created with the involvement of Çağla Diner. 

We would like to extend our heartfelt thanks to Çağla Diner for sharing her story and memories with us. Together with five other interviewees from Spain, Greece, and Turkey, she contributes to an intergenerational and transnational interview project exploring women’s migration experiences in Germany.

The conception and implementation of the interview project were carried out by Ruhr Museum (Meltem Küçükyılmaz) in cooperation with Spanischer Elternverein Essen e. V. (Cristina Fernández-Moser), HistAgoge | Geschichtsforschung (Spiridon Papaioannou), and mitMach Agentur (Mustafa Mert). 

Picture

Privat photo © Çağla Diner

Transcipt PDF here.

Partner involved

RuhrMuseum Logo 4c mit Schutzraum

Ruhr Museum

An orange-glowing staircase and 6,000 exhibits in a spectacular industrial setting: The Ruhr Museum’s permanent exhibition at the Zollverein UNESCO World Heritage Site shows the fascinating natural and cultural history of one of the world’s largest industrial regions.

The Regional Museum of the Ruhr Area shows in its permanent exhibition the entire natural and cultural history of the region from the formation of coal over 300 million years ago to today’s structural change to the Ruhr metropolis. Visitors follow the former path of the coal and descend deeper and deeper from the present into the history of the Ruhr region. Over three levels, they pass through windowless bunkers, huge industrial machines, raw concrete walls and conveyor belts. In between, 6,000 exhibits show in often fascinating detail how a formerly agricultural region developed into Europe’s largest coal and steel production area and then became the Metropole Ruhr.

Footnotes

  1. Ten women born in Turkey, most of whom migrated to Germany over the past decade, connected through one of these networks and launched the podcast series Göç Notları. Through their conversations, they reflect on the challenges of re-socialization and the ongoing process of negotiating a “new” place and identity in German society. In doing so, they aim to intervene in the production of knowledge on recent migrants from Turkey by centering their own voices and experiences. Link to the podcast Göç Notları: https://open.spotify.com/show/2XRPF6VyxFmfznwiQEi4tR ↩︎

“Creating possibilities everywhere”

Migration biography overview

Silvia Henao recounts her international trajectory from her birth in Bogotá to her eventual migration to Antwerp, Belgium, to raise her family. The account details her formative years and travels across three continents before establishing a permanent home in 1981.

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Childhood, Family and Decision to move to the US

Silvia Henao reflects on a challenging childhood in Colombia marked by family instability and a sense of being unwanted, which fueled her desire to seek a better life abroad. Supported by her aunts, she immigrated alone to the United States at age fifteen to pursue the education and independence that felt unattainable in her home country.

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Mobility, Identity and Self-Construction

Following her heart to Spain, Silvia Henao finds intellectual renewal and adopts a mobile identity, vowing to live wherever she drops her bags. This period of wandering eventually leads her through Ecuador to Belgium, where she consciously chooses to settle down to provide her children with a sense of place and family.

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Motherhood, Work and Reframing Migration

Silvia Henao rejects the idea of a "land of milk and honey," choosing instead to create her own possibilities while balancing the demanding roles of her professional life and motherhood. Her reflections transform a personal sense of exile into a broader understanding of migration as a vital, historical process of constant human adaptation and change.

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Migration struggles

Rejecting the notion of migration as a purely economic choice, Silvia Henao explores the deep emotional pain and loneliness of adapting to a new country. She frames her experience in Belgium as a grueling personal challenge, ultimately emerging as a survivor who transformed hardship into self-reliance.

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Historical-Political Background

Silvia Henao was born in Bogotá in 1945 as the eldest of ten children. Because her family lived in poverty, she had to take care of her younger brothers and sisters from a young age. After the free years of schooling, her family could not afford the fees so at about thirteen, she started working as a maid to support them. Shortly before she left Colombia her mother told her about something she had seen at the fair in Choachi when she herself was fourteen. There was a stall called the lucky hen where for two reales the hen would peck a ticket that predicted your future. Her mother remembered laughing at the message that her first child will travel around the world because it seemed so impossible. Yet later she would often remind Silvia of that sentence every time Silvia announced that she was moving to another country again. During these years, Colombia’s national timeline included the period commonly referred to as La Violencia (1948–1958)1. While Silvia does not cite political events as a motive for moving, her early responsibilities in the family and entry into domestic work are consistent with the constrained opportunities many Colombians faced in that period.

When the American family Silvia worked for asked if she wanted to join them in the United States, she said yes and entered a completely new life. In California she continued to cook and clean for the family, but she also went to school as she was still a minor. She sent money back home to her family and the pressure to contribute financially never disappeared. A French teacher supported her, encouraged her to tell her story and even welcomed her into her home. Nine years after Silvia’s arrival in California, she graduated from the University of California Riverside. She had arrived with only a basic knowledge of English and threw herself into studying literature and languages driven by a need to reconnect with her own language and identity. Her pathway, combining paid domestic work with schooling, resembles documented trajectories of first‑generation migrants who use educational institutions as sites of language learning and social mobility.

Later at university, she met Paco from Spain and followed him to Madrid when he returned home. By the mid‑1970s, Spain was in the midst of its transition from dictatorship to democracy (beginning after Franco’s death in 1975)2. Universities and urban cultural spaces were opening to new forms of debate and expression, and this environment helped nurture the intellectual and artistic circles in which Silvia moved. Long‑standing cultural–linguistic ties between Spain and Latin America also facilitated circulation for many Latin American students and professionals at the time. Silvia and Paco’s relationship ended and once again she found herself alone in a new country. In Madrid, she taught English and continued her doctoral studies through the New York University extension program. Reconnecting with the Spanish language after years of distance filled her with excitement. She experienced a personal sense of freedom and the Madrid university environment in the mid-1970s was full of energy and political engagement.

Around this time, she met a Latin American dance group that needed a light dancer. She joined them and travelled across Europe, performing in Amsterdam, The Hague and finally at the Festival of Schoten in Belgium where she met the future father of her children. After some time living with him in Ecuador, she started working as a nursery schoolteacher at the Cotopaxi Academy, an international school. The family later decided to settle in Belgium. In Antwerp, Silvia became a teacher at the Antwerp International School in Ekeren where she taught for twenty-three years. She worked with all age groups from nursery to graduating students, and the school became her professional home.

After her retirement in November 2010, she devoted herself to cooperative work. She joined conversation groups with other immigrants, helped them learn Dutch, volunteered at OXFAM and encountered people from many different backgrounds. Silvia’s story shows how migration can be uncertain yet full of new chances. At each step her movements were shaped by labour and opportunities, especially domestic and educational work, which repeatedly placed her in roles of care and service. She migrated from Colombia to the United States for work where she found the opportunity to continue her studies. She migrated to Spain for love and academic work, rediscovered her identity and later joined a travelling dance group through which she worked in several European cities. She followed her ex-partner to Ecuador and worked again in education before finally moving to Belgium, where she built a lasting home. Taken together, Silvia’s trajectory illustrates how personal choices unfold within wider economic, social, and political contexts, even when those contexts remain in the background of a life story. Today, after more than forty years in Antwerp she sees Belgium as her true home.

Making of

How and why did you decide to deal with and present this specific story?

The Red Star Line Museum officially opened its doors in 2013, but long before the opening, the team was already working on research and community projects. For the project Hier Ben Ik, or Here I Am, from 2010 to 2013, the museum travelled through the city of Antwerp with the Transit Story Bus in search of contemporary personal stories about migration. In collaboration with schools where newcomers learned Dutch and with social and cultural organisations, the museum collected hundreds of stories. This meant that by the time the museum opened, it had already held an archive of four hundred contemporary migration stories.

The Transit Story Bus also visited schools, organisations and companies that wished to participate in the project. That is how the museum first met Silvia Henao, who at the time volunteered at TaalooR, a community initiative for people who spoke Dutch or were learning the language. This encounter led to a recorded interview in which Silvia was interviewed by Nadia Babazia and the filmmaker Lut Vandekeybus in 2011. That same year Silvia collaborated with the Red Star Line Museum and the MAS on her autobiographical project Historias de Emigracion.

Given the scale of the collection, not every story can receive equal visibility. However, Femig.Lab focuses specifically on post–Second World War female labour migration, and Silvia’s testimony is currently the only narrative in the collection that fully fits this framework. This made the platform a meaningful and timely context in which to make her story publicly accessible.

How did you negotiate and decide about the methodologies and processes in acquiring/giving the testimony?

Over the years, the museum has increasingly reflected on the ethical implications of recording, preserving and sharing personal stories. Life histories are not neutral data but lived experiences, often shaped by vulnerability and complex migration trajectories.

When Silvia’s interview was conducted, the museum was still developing its oral history practice, with a strong emphasis on collecting a broad range of contemporary migration narratives. This context shaped the interview methodology and setting. In Silvia’s case, the interview location was not individually chosen by the interviewee but was part of a broader project framework in which interviews were conducted at a well-known public site. This choice was made by the museum to establish a symbolic link between contemporary migration stories and Antwerp’s historical role in migration, rather than to create a personalised setting.

However, within these fixed parameters, the interview process itself remained flexible. The aims of the project were clearly explained in advance, and the interview was conducted as an open conversation rather than a rigid questionnaire. Silvia was able to steer the narrative, determine which aspects of her life she wished to address, and set the boundaries of what she felt comfortable sharing. This conversational openness functioned as the primary way in which the process was adapted to her wishes at that time.

In more recent interview practices, this adaptability has become more explicit and structured. Interviewees are now actively involved in decisions about location, pacing, themes and conditions, and these preferences are revisited throughout the process rather than fixed at the outset.

When such stories enter an archive or collection, they risk becoming detached from the person who shared them, which can lead to misinterpretation, loss of context or use in ways the interviewee never intended. For that reason, the museum has developed an ethical framework that emphasizes transparency, long term responsibility and consent as an ongoing process rather than a onetime signature. Privacy is not treated as a bureaucratic checkbox but as a continuous obligation to protect the dignity and agency of the people whose stories are being held.

How and why did you decide to publicly present the story this way?

Within this approach the relationship with interviewees, including Silvia, is considered a continuing responsibility. Renewing contact is part of taking ethical stewardship seriously. Many years after the original recording, the museum contacted Silvia again to renew her consent and to discuss with complete clarity what she wanted to happen with her story. We addressed two things together. First, her recorded testimony would be formally added to the museum collection, which required an updated agreement that respected her wishes. Second, we talked about how and to what extent her story could be made accessible to the public. These choices are never predetermined but negotiated with the person whose life is being documented.

One example of why this process matters is Silvia’s use of the word mestizaje in the interview. The term is common and often neutral in Latin America, while in Western European contexts it can carry colonial associations and be perceived as sensitive. Removing it would flatten her voice and obscure the cultural lens through which she speaks. Instead, keeping the fragment and providing additional context shows that testimonies are shaped by different histories and that an interview is never a finished or frictionless product but part of an ongoing relational process.

We filled in the renewed agreement together in the museum café. The meeting with Silvia was not only a formal moment to confirm her consent but also an informal conversation in which we could rediscover each other. Sharing a table made it easier to talk openly, to answer her questions calmly and to make sure she felt fully in control of the process. The appointment was organized entirely at her pace and in a way that felt comfortable for her, which is essential when dealing with personal stories that will become part of a public heritage collection.

What is the motivation and benefit for the person/community sharing the story? How did you negotiate this and take it into consideration?

At the time, the museum’s focus on building a broad collection meant that less structural attention was given to articulating individual motivations for participation. Silvia later reflected that she initially considered her migration story ordinary and did not fully understand why it was of interest to the museum. This points to a common asymmetry in biographical collecting: experiences that are historically significant may feel self-evident to those who lived them.

Participation was therefore based largely on trust and willingness rather than clearly articulated personal benefit. While contributors were not materially compensated, the intended value lay in recognition and long-term preservation. Reflecting on this experience has since led the museum to place greater emphasis on reciprocity and on communicating more clearly what participants gain from sharing their stories, both during and after the collection process. As part of this ongoing reflection, the museum is currently exploring ways and possibilities of return, considering how stories, materials and outcomes might be meaningfully shared back with the people who originally contributed them.

What questions and challenges arose during the processes?

A key challenge concerns continuity of care and responsibility. Many interviews from the museum’s early years were conducted by staff members who are no longer involved. As a result, the current team, which did not conduct the original interview, nevertheless carries responsibility for decisions about interpretation, contextualisation and public presentation, including representation on platforms such as the FeMig.Lab website. While the original relationships of trust cannot simply be assumed to persist, and therefore need to be actively rebuilt and maintained, the current team remains responsible for decisions that directly affect the person whose story is being shared.

To address this, and with Silvia’s explicit consent, contact was re-established and her daughter was included in the process as a supportive and informed contact person, partly in consideration of Silvia’s age. Her daughter did not act as a substitute decision-maker, but as someone who could help ensure transparency, continuity and accessibility. Involving both Silvia and her daughter made it possible to review proposed historical and political contextualisation together and reinforced the understanding that representation is not a fixed outcome, but an ongoing, relational responsibility.

Credits

This content was provided by the Red Star Line Museum.  

The Red Star Line Museum holds the copy rights for the video interview.  

The full interview is available here

Our sincere thanks goes to Silvia Henao for sharing her story and collaborating with us for its contextualization and presentation on the women work migration platform. 

Pictures: privat (Silvia Henao).

Video Interview Transcript PDF here.

Partner involved

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Red Star Line Museum

The Red Star Line Museum in Antwerp is located in the original departure warehouses of the Red Star Line, through which approximately two million migrants travelled to North America between 1873 and 1934. The museum combines a maritime collection on the operations of the Red Star Line with a substantial body of biographical migration heritage. Oral history is central to its work. By connecting historical transatlantic departures with present day mobility, and by preserving testimonies alongside personal objects and photographs, the museum presents migration as both a structured historical reality and a lived human experience that continues today.

Footnotes

  1. Mary Roldán, Blood and Fire: La Violencia in Antioquia, Colombia, 1946–1953 (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2002). ↩︎
  2. Encyclopaedia Britannica, “Spanish Civil War,” last modified January 5, 2026, https://www.britannica.com/event/Spanish-Civil-War.
    Charles Powell, “Revisiting Spain’s Transition to Democracy,” in The Arab Transitions in a Changing World: Building Democracies in Light of International Experiences, ed. Senén Florensa (Barcelona: IEMed, 2015), https://www.academia.edu/38807787/Revisiting_Spains_transition_to_democracy. ↩︎